The author dedicates to the bright memory of a dear friend - mother.

In this work, I attempt to study the functions that folk costumes in Moravian Slovakia currently have and recently had. I limited myself only to the material of Moravian Slovakia, on the one hand, because in this relatively small area, very recently (Husek, Anton Vaclavik) and even earlier (Josef Klvaney and others) valuable material was collected, which makes it possible to illustrate my theoretical positions. about the various functions of the costume, about their structure, etc.; on the other hand, also because the very geographical position of this area contributed to the clear identification by its inhabitants of the various functions of the costume within this area. I especially emphasize that my goal is not to fully explore all the available data on the costumes of Moravian Slovakia, but only to pose and, if possible, solve theoretical problems related to the functions of the costume both in this and other areas on the basis of materials collected in this area.

Much of what we discover when analyzing the functions of a folk costume will apply to any other clothing, however, on the other hand, the costume has many features that cannot be attributed to urban clothing, clothing that is subject to fashion * .

* (The suit in many of its features is the antipode of clothing that obeys fashion. One of the main trends fashion clothes- it is easy to change, and new fashionable clothes should not resemble those that preceded it. The trend of the costume is not to change, the grandchildren should wear the same costume as the grandfathers. I'm only talking about fashion and costume trends now. In fact, we know that National Costume also does not remain unchanged and can also include elements of fashion.)

* (The second main difference between the national costume and fashionable clothes is the following: the costume is subject to the censorship of the collective, the collective dictates what can be changed in the costume and what cannot be changed. Fashion clothes depend on the will of the tailors who create them... But I'm only talking about trends. In reality, on the one hand, the costume changes under the influence of fashion and fashion changes according to the will of its creators, on the other hand, fashion must take into account collective censorship: it happens that tailors who do not take into account the censorship of the collective sew such fashionable clothes, which is not vaccinated in the city.)

I will try to study not only each individual function of the folk costume in its abstract form, but also the structure of functions that an individual costume possesses. As is known, in particular, from the words of those who wear the suit, the suit has several functions * , and one of them or some of these functions dominate, while others play a subordinate role. Often one can observe that the dominant function suppresses the others. In particular, clothing in which a regional or national function is clearly expressed is simultaneously considered the most beautiful (aesthetic function), the most comfortable (practical function), etc. In addition, the predominant function, being strong, forces one to endure some inconvenience in clothing, and sometimes even the ailments it causes. The French proverb "pour etre belle, il faut souffrir" ("to be beautiful, one must suffer") is confirmed by many examples showing that for the sake of beautiful clothes, some exotic peoples were supposed to endure both small and large torments, sometimes ending even in death. Compare, for example, the arbitrary mutilation of parts of the body, legs, head, body tattoos, etc. Compare also the torments and ailments caused by individual elements of European clothing - a corset, etc. (see 326, p. 15).

* (According to an apt comparison by N. I. Hagen-Thorn, "clothing is a person's passport, indicating his tribal, class, gender identity, and a symbol characterizing his social significance" (35, p. 122).)

As for Moravian Slovakia, we can give an example of the inconveniences that accompany the wearing of wedding dresses on the head of the bride, "friends" and "old women":

"The circle of cloth is attached to the hair with a copper pin. The head is rather strongly compressed, but the bride," friends "or" old men "-" old men " call the women leading the women - participants in the procession (festival), - patiently endured very severe headaches "( 229, p. 250) * .

* (Wed among the ganaks: "Girls in such a headscarf" on their ears "resemble old women, their head hurts from this, and they don't even hear anything" (333, p. 210). Wed also our work (165, pp. 279-280).)

Structural connections of individual functions of clothing, especially the national costume, are revealed very clearly and serve as proof of the value of the structural technique in the study of ethnographic facts.

One of the most clearly manifested functions of the costume is the specific function of a festive wedding costume, which distinguishes it from everyday clothes, a function whose task is to emphasize the festiveness of the day. Sometimes this function develops in a special direction and approaches the function of such clothing, which is worn specifically for the church. Like a priest who wears special clothes for worship, all parishioners are dressed in a church in a special way.

The most obvious example of the fact that festive clothes worn for the church are considered parishioners church clothes, we find in Slovakia.

"In the Bošack Valley in Slovakia, women have up to fifty-two different aprons with their clothes, which they wear depending on what kind of vestment the parish priest will wear on Sunday" (326, p. 18, cf. 82) *.

* (A vivid example of the special church and prayer clothing of the parishioners we find among the Jews.)

In some villages, festive clothes can be seen only in the church, and only at the time when they either go to the church or leave it.

"Women's clothing of the old cut is disappearing little by little in Gornachka. Only in the Calvinist Yavornitsa church will we see her in pristine purity and beauty on Sundays and holidays. Here we will also find old-fashioned shawls, and old-fashioned jackets, and yellow, beautifully pleated aprons. In Velkøy, we will probably see such beauty again during weddings, matchmaking and christenings. New types of aprons, aprons, scarves and even blouses are already beginning to dominate the national costume" (229, p. 199).

When going to church, a scarf is tied in a special way.

"Stryansky suit. Turkish scarf. It is tied simply, "in Hungarian style", that is, obliquely, so that the knot falls on the back of the head. When they go to the church, one end is tied in front, the other behind, or both ends are tied up from behind" (ibid., p. 190).

"Buhlov suit. Turkish scarf... is tied on ordinary days with the ends up and back. When women go to the church, the tips usually hang down" (ibid., p. 224) *.

* (Wed a special hairstyle that is done on Sunday: "In Nizhnyaya Lhota, hair is braided at the back into a lelik (a kind of braid), and in Slopnoye into a five-braid elek. On Sunday, sometimes two braids were braided, but only one for music ..." (315, page 161).)

There are a number of special regulations regarding certain parts of the costume worn for the church.

“Here it should be noted from the very beginning that in Moravian Slovakia shirts - as well as women's blouses - which are worn for the church "without outerwear", that is, only with a warm jacket, should never be washed and should always be new. If they soiled, then the rich embroidery is torn off and sewn onto new clothes" (229, p. 112).

As I was informed in the village of Velkei in the summer of 1931, this custom is preserved to this day.

A festive outfit has several functions inherent in everyday clothes, in particular, just like an everyday suit, it protects from heat, cold, etc. This makes it possible to switch from an ordinary everyday suit to a festive suit.

"In the old days, instead of shower jackets, they wore jackets everywhere, which they wore a hundred years ago in southeastern Moravia. Now they are worn mainly in Javornik on Sundays, and in Velkjei only occasionally, at weddings" (229, p. 200) .

Such is the transition from a festive costume to a ceremonial one, worn only on days of exceptional events.

"In many places, the bride and bridesmaids still wear different costumes, always decorated with ribbons in a very peculiar way. The bride and bridesmaids wear especially rich decorations on their heads - flowers made of ribbons, mirrors, smart pins, etc. In ancient times, it was adults panns went to the church "under the crown" or at least in the "crown", as they now go to the church of a girl in some regions of Hungarian Slovakia" (ibid., p. 103).

Sometimes a suit worn on major holidays begins to be worn on wedding days:

"Brzezov costume. At weddings they wear cloth blue "mentiks" with blue lacing, hemmed with white fur ... Previously, such mentiks were worn on the feast of the Body of the Lord (ibid., p. 194).

The same thing happens with the transition from the usual manner of tying a scarf to a solemn manner.

"Gradchovsky costume. Married women tied headscarves around 1885 in the same way as in Vlcnov. Now women tie them like this only during matchmaking or marriage. At other times, they wear a headscarf with a cross, resembling a twisted cord, "nozzle", as in the Brodshchina" (ibid., p. 174).

Let's give one more example when a festive outfit becomes ritual: " miner's suit. In Gornyatsk, the wedding attire and the attire worn during the rite of baptism are the remnants of the former, now almost extinct, festive costume ...

Formerly, the blazer also belonged to the solemn wedding attire, which a hundred years ago was worn throughout southeastern Moravia right up to Kunovice in little different forms. Now we will see jackets only in Javornik and sometimes in Wielkiy" (ibid., p. 203).

It is interesting that parts of the everyday costume begin to perform the function of a ritual funeral costume - such, for example, is the part of the national costume that the deceased is dressed in, or the one that is worn during burial.

"oars suit. On holidays, the warrior was supplemented, of course, with a scarf. They were worn by old women, and they asked to be buried in them... Girls, as I found out, wore headscarves only until the second half of the 19th century, when they went to the church; later - only at the funeral" (ibid., p. 136).

Here is another clear example of how daily and festive costumes become ceremonial - wedding and funeral.

". Wedding attire, now disappearing, was still a common holiday attire during the Prussian war, and "the Prussians, when they were here, admired it so much, it was so beautiful." And in the second half of the 19th century, women wore large warriors every day - "even when they went to harvest hay." But, of course, already without headscarves.

Now all this wedding splendor can be seen only in Lanzhhot, and even then not always. Residents of Kostice rarely wear such an outfit anymore, borrowing everything from Lanzhhot. In short, the wedding attire in Lanzhhot, as well as everywhere where a special costume is used, is the old festive costume. Therefore, it must be treated, regardless of its beauty and splendor, as a historical relic, with special respect. Until very recently, such festive attire was also worn for funerals" (ibid., p. 162).

According to Klvani, a similar transition from ordinary hair braiding to a purely ritual one takes place when braiding hair by "girlfriends" at a funeral:

“At funerals, the hair of the “girlfriends” is braided into one braid hanging down. A bow is attached to it below, a “crown” and a “mound” are made on the head. Otherwise, women’s hair, married or unmarried, is braided into two braids that they wrap around head. Apparently, in the past, one braid meant a girl. She was preserved only as part of the festive attire of girlfriends at the funeral" (ibid., p. 217).

Compare with Western Slovakia: "In areas where grguli now they have already disappeared, the old women keep them until the very grave, so as not to appear before their relatives and husband in improper decoration "(306, p. 316) * .

* (Some peoples have special clothes in which the deceased is placed in a coffin. About special women's shirts of this kind, see the article by T. Akimova "The evolution of the women's costume among the Saratov Chuvash" (3, p. 32).)

Let us point out a few more distinctive signs of a costume worn for a funeral and a mourning costume.

"Slavitsko-Boikovsky suit. Komneno costume. Interestingly, they only wore white clothes"(229, p. 236).

"Stranyansky costume. Waistcoats... are worn only for weddings and funerals. The rest of the time, girls and young women go without vests, only in blouses. Children don't wear vests at all" (ibid., p. 189).

"Vlchnovsky suit. Women's clothing. On days of mourning, they wear white aprons and, in addition to them, black-padded headscarves" (ibid., p. 177).

"In mourning they wear white skirts" (153, p. 110) * .

* (Compare: "In some places, there are also veils used as ritual, mourning clothes - in particular, among the Lusatian Serbs" (305, p. 40).)

From ritual costumes, the bride's costume arises quite naturally, and chronologically, the bride's costume goes through different stages of change. So, before the wedding:

"Stranyansky costume. In front of the crown, through the crown, a kanka of mirrors, beads and ribbons is placed in front and behind ... In this way, the bride's head is decorated during the first and second announcements. At the third and at the wedding kanky no longer, there is only a towel (towel) made of white linen "(229, p. 191) * .

* (Compare: "Wedding clothes are put on already on the day of the second announcement in the church, on which the bride decorates her head with ribbons. Another piece of linen is added to the ribbons ..." (229, p. 194).)

After the wedding, the young woman's costume also goes through several stages of change.

“Earlier after the wedding, the young wife wore a special scarf through the povoynik for fourteen days ... Only after fourteen days did the young woman begin to tie an ordinary scarf through the povoynik” (ibid.).

The groom's wedding attire has several signs that distinguish the groom from the rest; special distinguishing marks are also in the suit of the groom's retinue.

"Southern Hanatian-Slovak costume. bridal wear. In the old days, the groom wore a long jacket, which was worn by the elderly, godfathers, "officials" and rich peasants. Now the groom has only a bunch of rosemary and red embossed ribbons on his hat. Each guest receives rosemary with a red or white ribbon. This is called bridal wear (ibid., p. 249).

"Boyko suit. Druzhki and the groom put embroidered belts on the mentic" (ibid., p. 237).

Interestingly, the insignia of the groom's suit has a completely different function when it is worn by recruits * .

* (There were other decorations that distinguished the recruits from the rest of the youth.)

“The wedding suit also deserves special mention, although it has not been as solemn as it used to be for a long time. Old-fashioned, luxurious outfits were worn at weddings, which were not worn at other times. For men, they have almost disappeared, and only vonitsa(bouquet of flowers) * on a wide-brimmed hat, as a rule, denotes the groom and boyfriends. Only in Lanzhkhotshchyna, near Wielkiy and Old Grozenkow, do wedding participants stand out with their special clothes" (229, pp. 102, 103).

* (The “lekrut” recruits have the same decoration, only they also wear hemp trousers in addition to this.)

We see that the same sign - vonitsa- has two different functions. On the one hand, the function of designating the groom (ritual function), on the other hand, the function of designating a recruit (a function close to the class function); however, in both the first and second cases, there is also a special sign in the suit of the groom and in the suit of the recruit - various trousers that allow you to open either the first or second function stinkers.

This is a curious example of how the same sign can have several different functions depending on which signs it is combined with, which obliges researchers to be careful when, based on analogies with known facts, they hypothetically attribute separate functions, and when the functions of some other social phenomena of the past are hypothetically established.

It is not enough to see that this or that sign of an object had or has a certain function, it is also necessary to note what other signs accompany it, and to find out if, in combination with another or other signs, it acquires a slightly different, sometimes opposite function.

* ("Břeclav or Podlužatsk costume. Recruits have fan-shaped images of the king, prince, princess, etc. on their hat among the flowers, as well as many ribbons hanging down" (ibid., p. 159).

Compare: "In Kobyl, only "lekruts" have the right to wear mowers. When they return, the recruits take away all the mowers from the" lekrutes, fix them on their caps and sing at the top of their lungs "(297, pp. 180-181).

It is interesting that there were signs in the costumes of those who had already visited military service to distinguish them from the rest of the youth.

"Older boys and those who had been in the military still wore a black silk scarf with long hanging ends around their necks.")

Suppose that in the hands of a future researcher there will be facts that vonitsa on the hat means a recruit, other details - that other signs are combined with this sign, that a recruit can only have "hemp trousers", while vonitsa on a hat in combination with non-hemp trousers means a groom or boyfriend - they will not be known to him.

Then such a researcher, attributing to everyone stinkers on the hat (we are talking about the time, the material about which Klvanya gives us) the function of designating recruits, will make a mistake, since he will unreasonably attribute the same function to stinkers suitors and boyfriends.

This is just one of the examples. We could give many examples, both in costume * and in other ethnographic facts, where the same sign can have different functions, depending on what other signs it is combined with.

* (Compare: "Stranyansky suit. Wedding clothes of the grooms are the same as those of the "fashanchars", only a large flat wreath of artificial flowers is attached to a wide-brimmed hat" (ibid., p. 191).)

Studying the transition of an everyday costume into a festive costume, then a festive one into a solemn one, worn only during major holidays, and finally into a ceremonial costume, such as, for example, the costume of a groom, bride, etc., we can establish how with such transitions, some functions are gradually weakened, and how, along with the weakening of these first functions, the strength of other, formerly less strong functions increases, and how, finally, completely new functions arise.

Transitions are often carried out in the following sequence: everyday costume, festive costume, solemn costume, ceremonial costume.

An everyday suit has the following functions (I list them, starting with the most powerful function): 1) practical (the suit must protect against cold and heat, meet working conditions, etc.); 2) class; 3) aesthetic; 4) the function of regional affiliation.

In festive and solemn costumes, the functions will be combined in the following order: 1) festive or solemn; 2) aesthetic; 3) ritual; 4) function of national or regional affiliation; 5) estate; 6) practical.

In ritual costume: 1) ritual; 2) festive; 3) aesthetic; 4) the function of national or regional affiliation; 5) class (usually plays a minor role); 6) practical function (in some cases, individual parts of the costume do not play any practical role at all).

In the ethnographic museums of exotic countries, the visitor is struck by the multifaceted functionality of the weapons of warriors and hunters. Incidentally, there is a clear tendency in the appearance of weapons to decorate them, and it is often seen that this tendency begins to prevail, and that, therefore, some weapons are unsuitable either for war or for hunting. In these cases, as in the case of the ceremonial uniforms of officers of European armies, the aesthetic function pushed into the background the military-practical function, that is, the suitability of the weapon for war or for hunting. The predominant function of a weapon is sometimes not only an aesthetic function, but also some others - such, for example, is the saber of civil officials, which is a "noble" sign that distinguishes officials from other citizens. With such a saber or sword, even with great effort, no one can be hacked to death.

Of course, the sequence of functions according to their decreasing power in everyday, festive, solemn and ritual costumes is indicated only approximately; different places may have different exceptions. In some cases, in a festive costume, the function of regional belonging, for example, can subordinate the aesthetic function, but basically, I think, the above order is correct.

All of the above allows us to state the following:

When an everyday costume passes into a festive one, and a festive one into a ritual one, at the same time, with the weakening of some functions, others increase in strength or new functions appear.

In some cases, the degree of obligation of the costume remains unchanged (cf. the law of conservation of energy); this happens, for example, if an everyday costume (or parts of it) becomes a festive one, or if it turns from a festive one into a ritual one - these costumes continue to be as obligatory as before.

However, this is only a very special case.

When an everyday costume or parts of it change into a festive one, as well as when a festive costume or parts of it change into a ceremonial costume and with a mutually agreed change in their functions, the degree of obligation of the costume may either increase or decrease.

For example, if the entire everyday costume as a whole (or parts of it) was not obligatory for all girls, then, having become a festive costume, it can become obligatory for all girls in this area. In the same way, if the wearing of parts of the festive costume until a certain time was not absolutely obligatory for all girls, then when its part becomes part of the bride's ritual costume, it will be an obligatory part of the wedding costume of every bride. In other cases, on the contrary, the previously obligatory part of the everyday costume, becoming part of the festive costume, is no longer obligatory and gradually disappears, or the part of the festive costume that was obligatory for everyone, becoming part of the ritual costume, turns out to be optional for the ceremony and also gradually disappears.

We have analyzed the transition of a festive costume into a ritual costume, worn only once in a lifetime (such, for example, are the costumes of the bride and groom). However, the festive costume can change in other ways - sometimes it becomes the costume of some individual participants in the ceremony and, in this case, is put on much more often - annually or several times a year. We have already mentioned that a festive costume can disappear among the people and become a costume only for active wedding participants. Sometimes a festive costume becomes a costume for active participants in other ceremonies.

"miner's suit. Previously, "light" (light blue) jackets of the same cut were usually worn, and they are now preserved only in wedding attire, which here is the oldest type of clothing. Sometimes such a costume is also worn by "servants" at the feast of the Body of the Lord, carrying a canopy and decorated candlesticks" (229, p. 198).

"... in the Strana, in Brzezov and all the way to Grozenkovshchina ... a ritual mentik made of black cloth, lined with a "white sheep" from below (with blue lacing) *" (216, p. 131).

* ("To this day they are worn by grooms at weddings, porters at funerals and officials at church festivities" (ibid.).)

We examined the costumes that are worn on holidays and during ceremonies, both by all residents of a certain village without exception, and by individuals who play a special role in these ceremonies (groom, bride, friends, etc. at weddings, officials during processions associated with the feast of the Body of the Lord, etc.). Let us now consider cases where in the villages only people of certain occupations (millers, shepherds, and others) wear special costumes on all holidays, and sometimes even on weekdays. So, especially, in comparison with other inhabitants of the village, millers dress in some areas.

"miner's suit. The pants are tight, black, with blue lacing. Millers to this day wear pale blue or "light" trousers with dark blue lacing, which used to be the most widespread(highlighted by me. - P. B.) "(229, p. 197).

"Nivnitsky costume. In the winter in Gornemche and Korytna, until recently, they wore white shaggy trousers with black lacing, which were probably worn in the old days in all of Slovakia and Wallachia. Previously, as was customary in Gornyaki, only the families of millers wore "light", that is, light blue trousers, jackets and vests with black or blue lacing" (ibid., pp. 180-181).

"Pants are now almost always made of black guard cloth, decorated with blue lacing of garus ribbons up to one and a half centimeters wide in front. Only millers and some other peasants still wear pants made of light blue cloth, which was once universally used in the same way as in Hungary not far from here(highlighted by me. - P. B.) "(ibid., p. 188).

"In the nineties, thanks to the influence coming from Ghana, some millers and artisan peasants wore "cloaks" reminiscent of the old city "haveloks", but with a collar called "slopets" of pleated material, sometimes more than two cubits wide and four cubits length" (315, p. 179).

"Brzezov costume. The jacket is the same as in Strana, only the lapels are wider, black at the top, red at the bottom. Millers have a red lapel at the top and blue at the bottom" (229, p. 192).

As for the different parts of the miller's costume (trousers), as noted in a number of places, they used to be more common and were not a special accessory of the miller's costume - in this case, we are talking about pale blue miller's trousers. In the Country, besides millers, old people sometimes wear such trousers. However, the special position occupied by millers in the countryside, thanks to which they can wear a more archaic costume, not subject to the general trends in the development of costume in the village, allows them, on the other hand, in some areas to wear (along with peasant artisans, as follows from the explanations Watzlawick) parts of more modern costumes (dark blue "cloaks" reminiscent of the old city "haveloks") and thus again not subject to collective tendencies in the countryside and adhere to traditional costume, neglecting the newer urban costume * .

* (In Slovakia, village millers usually dress in urban style even when the peasants still wear the traditional costume.)

The shoes of the shepherds are very archaic, the shepherds still wear them (more precisely, they wore them until the time when Klvanya wrote his work), since they are convenient for walking in the mountains behind the herd.

"miner's suit. Shepherds and other inhabitants of the Legtka wear, as a rule, leather guards(kind of shoes) tied to the leg with long navlakami, that is, straps or laces.

Navlaki tightly and securely embrace the leg high above the ankle and make the gait light and elastic" (ibid., p. 196).

In general, when studying the reasons due to which the more archaic, "Old Testament" costumes are retained, it is absolutely necessary to raise the question whether this archaism, adherence to old clothes is not explained by the greater suitability of this costume in local conditions and whether such a costume is required by working conditions in the area.

Sometimes separate parts of the costume have the function of designating representatives of the municipal committee, in contrast to the rest of the members of the village team.

"In Brzezov, for example, before only the headman wore boots, all the rest wore guards(leather bast shoes)" (ibid., p. 192).

From the above examples, in particular, it is clear that the same suit has several functions, and for some members of the team it has one function, for others it has a different one. So, in those cases when the costume has the function of denoting a certain village profession, it also denotes age (in a country costume, trousers made of light blue cloth are worn only by millers and sometimes by old people).

In Moravian Slovakia, costumes have: 1) signs of property differences (richer and poorer peasants) and 2) signs of class affiliation (small nobles and peasants). Often both types of signs are combined - the nobles are always wealthier. If the division into groups based on property differences is not permanent (a peasant who becomes rich or impoverished moves from one social group to another and begins to dress differently), the division into small nobles and peasants is based on tradition and is permanent.

Let us first of all give data on the signs in a suit that distinguish the rich from the poor:

"...otters(otter-skin hats) ceased to be worn regularly in the seventies. After them they wore black lamb with a curved edge, the more wealthy wore gastriganki (amsterdamki) different kind"(315, p. 177).

"Slavitsko-Boikovsky suit. Komnensky men's suit . The casing was fastened to the very waist and had protruding tails; red patches on the front, red heart-shaped leather patches on the sides. Such casings began to be worn as the most luxurious outfit around 1820, and at first they were worn only by the possessing "formans" (charioteers). The rest of the people wore only jackets, and on holidays they wore mentiki" (229, p. 235).

"Southern Hanatian-Slovak costume. Men's suit. The rich wear casings trimmed with black cloth with a lamb collar, and to the north, almost all of them are made of lamb" (ibid., p. 246).

Differences are also found between the costume of rich girls in comparison with the costume of poorer girls.

". The most common skirts used to be blouses ... When a girl began to "marvel" (become a lady), she only bavlnka. It is a white skirt with red wide stripes. The older the girl became, the wider the red stripes were. The most valuable was the one with red and green stripes on both sides, all, of course, from top to bottom. It was beauty for "virtuous" girls, of course. The skirts were sewn in such a way that when the girl walked, only red stripes were visible, and only when the girl was turned completely white was shown. Around 1890 such bavlnki they were also worn in Dubnyany and Ratishkowice near Hodonin, and due to the good quality of the linen and color, they were at a great price for a long time. Poorer girls and stewards of temple holidays did not have skirts for weddings and holidays. The rich had "bastards" (ibid., p. 247).

"In the Slavic region at the beginning of the 19th century, rich brides wore green (daughters of horse-dressers - blue) cloth skirts, as in the Danube region, trimmed with a red garus, with two blue stripes along the edge" (315, p. 172). Compare: "In the vicinity of Litomysl and Vysoky Myt and in the Khrudim region, married women wore gilded caps, poorer women were simply white..." (326, p. 141)

Sometimes a costume has both the function of a class sign and the function of a ceremonial costume. It is worn by the groom on the wedding day, and the most important participants in the rites, and rich peasants.

The "stewards", the bridegroom, the godfathers, the "officials" who lead the feast of the Body of the Lord, and the rich peasants - and there were always quite a lot of them - wore long jackets on this and other big holidays" (229, p. 246) *.

* (One of the evidence that one and the same costume had both an estate and ritual function can be found in materials from South Moravia.

Casings and jackets. 88-year-old old man: "... when I was still a baby, there were five such long jackets in Kobyla, right up to the toes. The rich wore them. (And they apparently did not wear them as a ritual costume. - P. B.) Others borrowed these costumes from them when they were "starets" (stewards), or at christenings and funerals. Those who carried a canopy on the feast of the Body of the Lord also put them on "(297, p. 175).

This example shows how the two functions are practically combined - the rich put on their clothes on holidays, and their costumes performed a ritual function.)

More clearly than between rich and poor peasants, class differences in costumes between peasants and artisans are manifested.

An interesting example of class differences in headdresses among peasants and artisans is given by J. Husek:

“There are still small caps worn under the handkerchief (shawl) for blue outfits. The former large caps (sticking out at the front along the edges) have already disappeared. Somewhat different caps were worn by the wives of artisans. Now peasant women also wear high combs in their hair, but they are different flowers than the wives of craftsmen" (216, p. 124).

This example shows that even after the village headdress was replaced by the urban one (caps were replaced by combed hairstyles), the differences between peasant women and wives of artisans still remained, and they were preserved in the color of the combs. This is one of the obvious examples of the fact that the tendency to distinguish classes by costumes persists even when costumes converge, that is, during the transition from local village costumes to an international city costume. The desire of various classes to identify mutual differences remains, as it were, the only form that receives different content at different times; in this case, either a cap or a city comb appears.

In Western Slovakia, there are also insignia of the costumes of small estate nobles and peasants already discovered in Moravian Slovakia.

"... the Vrbovetsky costume had its influence on the Wielisky costume (see, for example, the blue trousers of the Vrbovetsky nobles *)" (216, p. 130).

* (“They tried to separate themselves from the serfs with them, who wore only black (previously, however, white) shaggy trousers. In general, the costumes of small-scale noble families differed in color and quality of material from other costumes in Vrbovci and other places” (306, p. 315 -316).)

The same class distinctions between small estate nobles and serfs are also manifested in the headdresses of women in Western Slovakia.

Let's move on to the study of the magical functions of the national costume. It is well known in ethnography that parts of a costume can play an important role in rituals, magical performances, in folk medicine, etc. A similar role is played by a ritual cap in the area we are studying.

“The bonnet that a woman received during a wedding was supposed to ensure the fertility and happiness of marriage; women who did not wear it could cause hail or other disasters. wear a cap" (315, p. 164).

Curious magical actions were performed with the shirt. "She was such an intimate part women's clothing that some husbands have not seen her for a lifetime. Women carefully hid it, and after washing they hung it up so that no one could see it. Only with a certain weakening of morals in the countryside, mainly under the influence of the soldiers, did this bashful hiding of shirts stop ...

Probably, due to the fact that she hid so carefully, she was credited with healing power, acting, for example, with the evil eye of her husband or livestock. Once, for example, a peasant was driving a cart drawn by oxen, and one of the oxen suddenly fell after an evil eye. A woman walking nearby ran into the bushes, took off her shirt and began to rub the cattle with it along the ridge, from the horns to the tail and back, after which the ox, as they say, got up. The old woman Vashchakova always, when a new cattle was brought into the barn, walked around it, being dressed in one shirt, after which she hung this shirt on the horns of the oxen, "so that they would not butt heads and live happily" (that is, so that they would be healthy) "(ibid., p. .150).

There are several opinions about the origin of the magical power of the shirt. I think the most plausible opinion is that a shirt close to the body is, according to Fraser's law of contact or contagion, a conductor of magical power hidden in the naked body * (see 304, p. 66).

* (Wed "Whomever has been jinxed, let him wipe himself with a woman's hem (the edge of his shirt), and then the evil eye will disappear" (273, p. 93).)

As for the circumambulation in a shirt of the cattle that had just been brought to the barn, a custom followed by the "old woman Vashchakova", here the performance of the rite in a shirt is a substitute for the performance of the same rite in the nude (metonymy of nudity). Compare, for example, the rite of "plowing" among the Eastern Slavs, in which in some areas women dressed only in shirts participated, in others completely naked women (334, pp. 66-67, cf. 306, pp. 64-66 ). Returning to the above example of the magical function of a cap worn on the head on a wedding day, it can be argued that the constancy and strength of the function of the cap is partly due to the fact that traditional folk belief in the magical power of certain elements of the costume is preserved here, and partly because wedding ceremonies generally illuminated by the church.

Embroideries on children's clothes also have a magical function.

"Boguslav costume. Children's underwear ... was predominantly red and decorated with various patterns so that no one would "jinx" the child (229, p. 228).

Red color is one of the most common means against the evil eye.

In Moravian Slovakia, differences are also easily detected, revealing the local origin of the costume. At the same time, along with regional differences in costume, when the costume of an entire region differs significantly from the costume of another region, we also encounter significant differences in the costumes of two neighboring villages.

"The whole of Moravian Slovakia is divided into 28 regions in terms of their costumes, the differences between which are quite obvious even to the ignorant. In addition, in each type of clothing, individual villages differ from each other in various details, which is especially evident in women's clothing. These differences are known only" natives "and they are important only for them. See, for example, the number of folds of the headscarf, the number of buttons on the jacket, etc." (ibid., p. 106).

And here is the data of another researcher, Dr. A. Vaclavik:

"The entire top (of the hat) was covered with ornaments, and their location and color indicated different villages. The ornaments consisted of black, carmine and green" aksamitok "(velvet ribbons) decorated with flowers, and from wide green, reddish and carmine ribbons from one up to two centimeters. In Pozlovitsy, for example, they wore two wide ribbons one above the other, then two carmine-colored ribbons, between which there was a green ribbon. In Biskupitsy they wore an "axamitka" and a red ribbon "(315, p. 176).

Studying local costumes from a historical point of view, one can see that belonging to different parishes played an important role in distinguishing one costume from another. "As can be fairly easily established, these districts correspond to former parishes of the 17th and 18th centuries. In everyday dress, as already mentioned, very simple, differences in clothing, especially men's, are not striking. On Sundays, however, differences and peculiarities are everywhere and since the differences in the clothes of those gathered in the same church would give our temperamental people a reason for ridicule, which would cause offense, it is quite understandable that in former times the same costume was worn in each parish, especially since each parish was connected with one secular power, which sought, at least in the east of Slovakia, to distinguish their men - for example, with the help of jacket lapels, the colors of which corresponded to the districts (this way one can distinguish jackets that are part of the Nivnitsky costume, as well as Borsice, Grozenkovsky, Veleck, Lgotsky , Brzezov and other costumes)" (229, p. 106).

The regional function is sometimes confused with the national function - this happens in those cases when the wearer of the costume considers his clothes to be national, that is, he considers the costume to be one of the signs that distinguish one nation from another *. The question of whether the Slovak national liberation caused the spread of the traditional costume or, on the contrary, led to its disappearance, is highly debatable ** . I'm leaning towards the latter.

* ("By keeping the costume, its wearers often protect the rights of their people - this happens, for example, in the German villages near Vyskov, fighting against the prevailing Czech elements; in Slovakia, the Slovaks, while preserving their costume, once fought against Hungarianization" (326, p. 139).)

** ("National liberation has also led to the fact that love for the national costume has increased, and in the villages people tend to assert their civil and political equality through clothing and show national and class consciousness. If it were not for the relatively high costs that the production of the old national costume requires, then the post-war national renaissance would, of course, have manifested itself to an even greater extent in this renaissance of clothing.

Antonin Vaclavik (316, p. 185) believes that the national liberation damaged the tradition of the national costume, but does not confirm his conclusion in any way. Wed his review of Husek's book (314, p. 338).

Vydra writes: "National liberation as a result of the coup, social equalization, education, progress - all this leads to the alignment of social and educational differences and turns out to be the reason for the rapid disappearance of differences in costume" (326, p. 139).)

The study of ethnographic facts from the point of view of their function can help to resolve a number of still unresolved questions. One of these unresolved issues is the question of the more rapid disappearance of the traditional costume among Russian peasants in comparison with the peasants of Moravian Slovakia. If we take into account the greater connection of the Moravian-Slovak peasants with the city in comparison with the Russian peasants, the conservativeness of the former in the field of costume will be all the more incomprehensible. It is the analysis of the costume from the point of view of its function that will allow us to explain why the Moravian-Slovak peasants kept the traditional costume longer.

Two functions of the dominant functions of the costume - estate and national - merge when the representatives of the ruling class belong to another nation, even if some or many representatives of the ruling class, denationalized under the influence of the ruling nation, belonged to the same nation as the members of the suppressed estates. That is why one often encounters the fact that in areas where the difference between the suppressed and the suppressing nation is extremely noticeable, the suppressed nation is very careful about its traditional costume as one of the signs that reveal nationality. Wearing a suit, in particular, manifested the struggle of the Moravian-Slovak peasants with large landowners.

"Břeclav-Godonsk costumes. South Kiev, or Milotsko-Dubnyansky, costume. Woman suit. On their feet, they almost entirely still wear high boots, gathered into a pleat, with embroidered soles and backs decorated with yellow carnations. Count Seilern's attempts at Milotice to get the girls to learn to wear shoes and stockings failed when faced with the stubbornness of the guys who didn't want to dance with "shoes". Now, even in Milotitsy, the “fashionistas” who have come to town are already beginning to wear black stockings and “Parisian” shoes with “fashionable” buckles” (229, p. 151).

One more example:

“In Mikulchitsy, the one who had a new-fashioned brown coat allegedly did not even have the right to be a headman” (ibid., p. 159).

So the neglect of the traditional costume blocked the way to perform the most ordinary functions.

The fact that peasants keep their costume everywhere cannot be explained by the cheapness of local production in comparison with urban clothing. Compare, for example, the high cost of costume in such villages in the vicinity of Bratislava as Slovenska Grob, Vainory, and others. Often the poorer villages are more likely to switch to urban clothes than the wealthy villages, especially if in the poorer village you can find a better job than making home linen. After all, in many places not everything for a costume is made at home. Much, and sometimes everything, is bought in the city. The same is the case with the Moravian-Slovak and Russian costume. Russian village clothes of the 18th century were produced not only from home linen, but also from purchased, and very expensive: silk and brocade. During an expedition to the Shenkur district, Arkhangelsk province, in 1916, I managed to buy from peasant women several "quilted jackets" made of "Elizabeth" silk and several caps and "quilted jackets" made of brocade.

* ("Prosperity also had its influence on the development of the costume: the Podluzhatsky Dolsky costume from Lanzhhot, for example, is distinguished by the diversity of colors, and by the expensive technical execution, and by its artistic beauty, while, for example, the miner's costume of the poor population of Gorny Srni is relatively poorer "(216, p. 120).)

In the 18th century, many Russian northern villages became very rich, but even rich peasants did not stop wearing their peasant clothes.

Y. Grot in his book "The Life of Derzhavin" gives the following interesting information: "How these (rich) peasants lived, mainly on the estates of large landowners, is clear from the words of Derzhavin. :

"In general, in all counties, there are incomparably more prosperous than poor settlers." Derzhavin, who at that time was the governor of Olonets, objected:

“On the contrary, it can be said that they are poorer. It is true that even in the Lopsky churchyards there are such prosperous peasants that I have seen few of them inside the state. For example, some have several cleanly rebuilt rooms with Dutch stoves, they contain tea, coffee and French vodka for guests. Their wives themselves are cleanly dressed; for example, in the Povenets district, in the Shungsky churchyard, the hostess treated me, carrying out herself on a large, mahogany tray for me and who were with me several cups of coffee, deliciously brewed; but she had on her feet silk stockings and white eyelet shoes..." (42, p. 395).

In Chulkov's journal "And this and that" of 1769 (fourth week), we find the expression: "...sufficient, like an Olonets peasant."

In the 19th century, we see deterioration, but it did not happen immediately, of course.

Academician Ozeretskovsky also writes about mahogany furniture in the house of a wealthy serf and about "foreign drinks" in his book Journey to Lake Seliger (119, p. 25 et seq.).

It should be remembered that the peasants sometimes wear their national costume, which is at the same time a class costume, in order to show their class, sometimes higher, position, elevating them above the townspeople. Russian merchants did something similar: rich merchants, sometimes millionaires, wore a "semi-muzhik" suit to show that they wear their suit, indicating their class position, with a sense of superiority and that they often do not want to become like the poorer in comparison with them. officials and nobles.

Let us now turn to a comparison of the functions of the village costume among the Russian peasants and the peasants of Moravian Slovakia.

A more independent position of the Russian countryside from the city in the 18th century compared with the 19th century was facilitated by the economic condition of the Russian countryside of the 18th century. In the 18th century, the village was richer than in the 19th century. On the other hand, the city of the 18th century, neither culturally nor economically, and even in terms of the number of inhabitants, was not so developed that, in its clashes with the rich village, it could conquer it, assimilate it. Wealthy peasants, as we have seen, bought silk, brocade, coffee, French vodka, etc. in the city, but they were so powerful that they were not inferior to the city in anything and were able to preserve their customs, their costume containing elements as early as the 16th century.

When meeting two cultural facts belonging to two different peoples or two different social strata of the same people, one must take into account not only the strength of the attacker, but also the strength of the defender*.

* (This question is covered in more detail in our work "On the Question of Ethnological Geography" (18, pp. 607-608).)

In the 18th century, in addition, when the divergence between the culture of the village, on the one hand, and the landlord and urban culture, on the other, was great, when they sharply repelled each other as two different national cultures, the class and national functions of the Russian village costume were the closest are connected to each other in a way.

In the 19th century, national differences between city and countryside no longer manifest themselves as strongly as in the 18th century, perhaps because in the city the petty bourgeoisie and workers, who are closer in culture to the peasantry than the nobility and officials, merged; the national function of the costume was weakened, and as a result, there was a great opportunity to merge the village costume with the urban one. For the Russian peasant, the cultural and national function of the village costume ceased to matter when the external differences between the village and the city became smaller in the 19th century than in the 18th century.

All this does not mean at all that the class struggle between the peasant and the city dweller and the mutual discord between the city and the countryside in the 19th century generally weakened. We are only talking about the fact that class differences found a different form of expression than the costume, since in the costume one can observe more convergence than divergence.

Now about the costume in Moravian Slovakia. In Moravian Slovakia, costume had a national function in the 18th and 19th centuries, perhaps to a lesser extent in the 18th century than in the 19th century. The costume was one of the signs with which the Moravian-Slovak peasants contrasted themselves with the city or the landowners who were subjected to German influences. Hence his conservatism, which, moreover, back in the 19th century was encouraged and supported by the rural and urban intelligentsia, fighting for national revival. All this led to the fact that in the costume the peasants did not yield to the influence of the city (or its German-influenced population), but retained their costume as a sign of class and nationality *. Now, however, when there is no longer a struggle for national self-determination, the costume loses its national function and, as a result, also loses those signs whose predominant function was the national function, if these signs do not begin to serve another function.

* (Compare: "Peasants stick to them (costumes) and see them as an object of their class pride and honor" (326, p. 138).)

Wearing the current costume is determined by the class function. With their national and at the same time peasant costume, the peasants emphasize the originality of the class to which they belong.

A much larger role than the national one is played in modern suit regional membership function.

We must not forget that during the struggle between the estates, along with the distance, there is also a rapprochement, borrowing by one estate from another. A phenomenon occurs similar to that which can be observed among peoples at war with each other, when the warring parties, even in the conditions of the most irreconcilable struggle, allow borrowing from each other. As for the borrowing by the estate from the estate, by the peasants from the townspeople, even in times of extreme tension between the inhabitants of the village and the townspeople, at the time of the conscious preservation by the villagers of their traditional costume, in contrast to urban clothing, it happened that individual peasants dared to abandon their costume, which damaged the strength of tradition, as a result of which other peasants no longer felt so bound by the censorship of the collective in wearing a suit. If individual peasants allow themselves to change their costume, bringing it closer to urban clothing, then in small details all, or almost all, allow borrowing from urban clothing. Borrowed details then begin to spread, and the costume - more and more closer to urban clothing.

Closely adjacent to the regional function of the costume is the function associated with the belonging of its wearer to various religions. We have already seen that the deepening and, perhaps, the emergence of regional differences in costumes was facilitated, among other things, by the fact that the inhabitants of the village belonged to different parishes. The difference in their costumes was even more influenced by belonging to Catholicism or Protestantism. Belonging to different religions undoubtedly plays a big role in rural social life. Observing how frequent marriages are in Eastern Slovakia between Slovaks and Transcarpathian Ukrainians, on the one hand, and between Catholics and Protestants, on the other, I found that Eastern Slovaks of the Roman Catholic faith often choose wives among Transcarpathian women of the Greek Catholic faith, and Transcarpathian Ukrainians - among Slovak women (previously such marriages were rare) - in this case, belonging to different nations is not, according to the peasants, an obstacle to marriage or marriage.

On the other hand, intermarriages between Catholics and Protestants do not occur. This lack of contact between Catholics and Protestants must subsequently manifest itself in the gradual separation of the two groups. Both the old facts of social life and the emerging new ones must manifest themselves and change in a peculiar way among Catholics and among Protestants. And, on the contrary, mixed marriages between Transcarpathian Ukrainians and Slovaks will contribute to the ethnographic rapprochement of these two peoples.

It is clear that isolation also manifests itself in the sphere of the most diverse facts of the social and political life of Catholics and Protestants (for example, it is clearly revealed in the difference in sympathies between Catholics and Protestants for political parties).

Husek writes about the differences in costume between Catholics and Protestants:

"Religion influenced the costume, as in the Catholic villages and regions the costumes changed to more variegation and luxury than in the evangelical regions. For example, in our places - in Javornik, Mijava, Vrbovci * - partly in Moravsky Leskove and in others places you can see that in the conditions of stricter religious views (and simpler church rites) Baroque pretentiousness is rejected.That is why the local "miner's" costume impresses with its extraordinary elegance and ancient artlessness.But, for example, Strani and Drietom, where Catholicism prevailed, went even further in the development of that miner's costume, which in the Moravian Old Grozenkov is kept only in mountain villages, while in the town itself it has already disappeared" (229, pp. 119-120).

* ("In general, in the region of Miyawa and Senitsa, and everywhere where Protestantism has spread and taken root" (229, p. 119).)

The great variegation in the costume of Catholics is not explained only by less strictness in religious views (or by simpler church rites among Protestants). Apparently, the greater influence of the Baroque style is explained here mainly by the fact that the propagandists and distributors of this style were in many cases the Catholic clergy and, to an even greater extent, artisans, masters of folk church Catholic art, who were close to the Catholic Church and who used Baroque style in their work: these are icons in church books and icons on glass and other products sold in churches, at churches, at fairs, etc. Naturally, all this contributed to the spread of the Baroque style and Baroque pretentiousness among Catholics, and on the other hand, forced the Protestants to be reserved in relation to this style.

Of course, even now in some areas we find a distinct difference between the costumes of Catholics and Protestants.

"In Chatai, in Slovakia, for example, the evangelical population differs sharply from the Catholic population in the style and embroidery of their costume" (314, p. 337).

Differences in the hairstyles of female evangelicals and female Catholics in Slovakia are also noted by D. Straska: "Evangelists ... in Stara Lehota and near Pishtyan twist their hair with a cord, and Catholics wear horned grgulyu"(306, p. 326).

When studying the differences in the costumes of Catholics and Protestants, it is necessary to constantly keep in mind not only the historical conditions that led to the demarcation of Catholics and Protestants, but also the conscious, and sometimes unconscious desire that exists even to this day among the peasants of these faiths, as a result which are the mutual differences of their costumes and still.

In the future, researchers will need to find out to what extent and in what form this desire to separate Catholics from Protestants in new clothes is manifested, similar to how it manifested itself in the above examples, when a conscious desire to separate between classes led to the fact that even urban the combs of peasant women differ in their color from the combs of the wives of artisans.

What are the functions of the costume that indicate the age of its wearer? We have already seen that those signs that in some areas have a regional function, in other areas are signs indicating the age of the wearer of the costume. We also know that while in some areas a certain detail of the costume is obligatory for all men and women, in other areas the same detail is present only in the clothes of old men and women. In the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine in the village of Velyatino, all men wear shirts, the collars of which are tied with a cord. In other villages only old people wear lace-up shirts, while young people wear shirts with button-down collars. When studying the age function of a costume, it is necessary to distinguish between cases when representatives of the older generation wear the same costume that young people wore during their youth (this is very common in cities - old people still wear clothes that were fashionable in their youth), from cases when when, from generation to generation, special details are established in clothes for the older generation and very special details for the younger generation. And although the awareness of these functions by the wearers of these functions is different in the first and second cases, from a social point of view, the costumes of the representatives of the older generation in both cases have one specific function - the function of revealing age differences. From the material available today, it becomes clear that the individual details of the costume now worn by the older ones used to belong to the costumes that were worn by almost everyone.

"Brzezov costume. The shirt used to be, as in Grozenkov, quite richly embroidered. Now only old peasants wear shirts embroidered with black at the collar, on the chest and at the wrist, while three stripes cross the sleeves and collar; the shirt is tied at the neck, on the side. In addition, now they wear "master's" shirts" (229, p. 192).

The same goes for combing your hair:

"miner's suit. Hair is now cut short, mostly by young people, under the influence of the school. And until recently they wore ahead long hair, separated by a path in the middle. The old people still adhere to this fashion "(ibid., p. 198). Further examples are given showing that in certain villages some details of the costume are the norm for old people, other details are the norm for young people. Unfortunately, from the material that we we have today, it is not always clear how these differences are valid for several generations.

". The shirt is tied at the neck, with white ribbons for the old, and black ribbons for the young (ibid., p. 213).

"Stranyansky costume. The old men fastened their shirts with "hooks" under the chin over the right shoulder, while the young ones tied them with four white ribbons" (ibid., p. 188).

"miner's suit. For young people, as elsewhere, the crown of the hat is wrapped with "caterpillars" (crepe braids), and even higher with ribbons, of course, special in each village. All this together makes up “shmuki” (decorations), artificial or natural flowers are often added to them” (ibid., p. 198).

"Vlchnovsky costume. Festive men's suit. Black cloth trousers; old people used to wear trousers made of coarse white linen ...

A shower warmer is also made of black cloth. The standing collar is embroidered with red and blue silk, under it there are large red "bouquets" (tassels), "bouquets" a little smaller - on the sides near the pockets (each has two), and on the back - three, however, unlike the new "bouquets" ", dark red and never "curly". Older "bouquets" are smaller and blue" (ibid., p. 176).

"Nivnitsky costume. Painted (male shower jackets) in the elderly - only blue, in the young - red and blue" (ibid., p. 181).

"Mutensko-Govoran costume. In the old days, here too, grottoes were worn on their heads, for the unmarried they had narrow-brimmed ones, wrapped around at the bottom with white, and at the top with red ribbons. The old men's margins were two fingers wider, and above the white, thrice or four times wrapped ribbon was a gold border. For those over forty, the gold border was replaced by a green, narrower one. These grottoes disappeared around 1860" (ibid., p. 154).

"Breclav-Godon costumes. South Kiev, or Milotsko-Dubnyansky, costume. Young people cut their hair shorter, as do many "progressives" and recruits. The elderly grow their hair longer, with the help of an ointment they part it in the middle, and cut it evenly at the back" (ibid., p. 149, cf. 216, p. 131).

"Vlchnovsky costume. Shirts with rather wide sleeves, richly embroidered in unmarried men at the collar, on the shoulders and chest, as it is said, mainly in black and white ... In older people, there is little black cross-shaped embroidery or it only "means" a little if it is on the lapels collar" (229, 176).

The city dwellers do not wear signs that distinguish a married man from an unmarried man, but in the countryside we find quite a few signs that have the function of distinguishing between an unmarried man and a married man * . The examples below show this clearly.

* (In the city, this function is performed by a wedding ring. It is interesting that in the countryside the wedding ring, denoting married or married, plays almost no role: the function of distinction is performed by differences in costumes.)

"Southern Hanatian-Slovak costume. When a young man marries, he ceases to wear a feather in his hat and a red ribbon with a bird. Now he only wears shorts. The older he gets, the less decorated his hat is. The old men only wear a hat with a black ribbon and buckle. Recently, even young people have stopped wearing decorated hats" (ibid., p. 246).

".. Unmarried people in the summer go to church and to music. Married people put on a vest for a shower jacket, in the east - from white flannel, in the west - various "marinkas" (short jackets), in Veletsk - curious "kabats" (jackets) , in colder times - some kind of jacket. The "muzhiks" (married) are less and less decorated "(ibid., pp. 100-101).

"Breclavsky, or Podluzhatsky, costume. At the neck and on the shoulders of the unmarried, instead of the usual ribbons, there are wide, up to three centimeters, white ribbons, to which they add a motley silk, usually just red, scarf going around the collar. The married and the recruits replace it with a black silk handkerchief" (ibid., p. 157).

"... On Stran, Brzezov and further to the Grozenkovshchina, the unmarried ... hats with small brim, decorated with" caterpillars ", gilded - gold fringe - and ribbons ... (married men instead of ribbons - aksamitka (velvet braid )".

"The Podluzhatsky male costume from the Moravian Lanzhot and roundabout villages in the Breclav region became famous for its flamboyance, thanks mainly to its narrow red trousers with blue stains ... which appeared in Lanzhot, apparently, in the most recent time - in 1885 ( ?) ... There are still "muzhiks" in Lanzhhot ( married men) wear blue trousers (along with lilac) or black "with light stains" (with light blue) ... "Men", unlike "slobodnyak" (unmarried), everything is darker in color, there are no feathers and bows " (216, p. 121).

"Vratsov costume. On their heads, the Vratsovites wear a wide-brimmed hat, most often with white and red "caterpillars". The unmarried above the "caterpillars" - white and red, beaded, crepe ribbons, more often - artificial flower and a feather (sometimes two feathers), very long. The older ones wear wide-brimmed hats with only black ribbons" (229, p. 220).

"The feather ("pigtail") was usually a sign of male strength and courage, and only he dared to decorate his hat with it, who was not afraid to fight for him with some other guy. Any guy wearing a ponytail had the right to ask another: " Are you a guy?" - calling him with these words to take "by the belts". The one who won, took away the braid from the defeated. If the called one was not confident in his strength, he had no choice but to say: "No, brother, I’ll give it to you good.” Another strong man wore five or six mowers; the rest, captured by him, simply tore. Once upon a time, whole villages fought for mowers, guys from a defeated village were supposed to take off their mowers "(153, pp. 108-109) * .

* (The material from South Moravia also shows that only unmarried people who have reached the age of fifteen could wear "mowers"; the braid was a sign of youth, masculine strength.

"Kosireks" were sometimes worn, but only some "pakholek" (strong man) dared to wear them ... Only he dared to wear a "kosirek" who himself could shoulder two measures of grain. Whoever is not "pakholek" (up to 15 years old), the elders grab him, give him a hand, and he goes home.

When I was a girl - I was, I remember, 15 years old - they fought over "mowers". They put hats with all the decorations on the table, and the struggle began; whoever threw his opponent to the ground got both a hat and "mowers" (297, p. 180).)

"Unmarried guys are still in Slovakia marked with braids, white rooster feathers on a hat, which are a sign not only of male strength and courage, but also a sign of bachelor's honor. The same custom prevails in the Brno region. Anyone who dares to wear a pigtail must be "well done" (273, p. 11).

The head of married men was often cut "naked", and only behind the ears were long hair left across the entire width of the head, falling back to the very shoulders" (ibid., pp. 11-12).

"Nivnitsky costume. The shirts have a standing collar, embroidered for the unmarried mostly in red and yellow, for the married - white" (229, p. 181).

"Southern Hanatian-Slovak costume. The hat of the unmarried is now adorned with a braid, sometimes even with several braids" (ibid., p. 246).

* (Wed in South Moravia: "Yellow leather pants were worn by both "muzhiks" and unmarried people. The "muzhak" wore them up to the ankles, and the unmarried - only up to the knee and to them - blue stockings. The unmarried had yellow stockings on these trousers from the knees to the ankles, two fingers wide, straps with hearts carved on them and decorated with red and blue ribbons. Once dressed, they wore them every day "(297, pp. 173-174). Differences in the men's shower jacket for married and unmarried people: "the men's shower jacket was decorated with blue and green, for the unmarried - with red and all sorts of other colors" (ibid., p. 174). Differences in the men's waistcoat among married people, see ibid., p. 174. Differences in hats, ibid., p. 177. Differences in scarves tied around the neck, ibid., p. 177. . also: 229, pp. 181, 182, 189; 315, p. 176; about the same in South Moravia - 297, p. 171.)

We find an even greater difference in costumes by age among women:

"Podgoratsky costumes. Kiev costume. Older women wear short boots, gathered in uneven folds. The oldest wear shapeless boots without heels" (ibid., pp. 214-215).

"miner's suit. "Aprons ... are different - for younger women they are light, mostly red, white with scattered flowers, and more recently, silk, colorful; for older women they are blue" (229, pp. 199-200).

“The scarf ... is now mostly “Turkish”, red and flowery among the young. Older women wear “lipsky” scarves, that is, white with scattered brown leaves and flowers of different colors. But “lipsky” scarves disappear. The most elderly women here and there they also wear blue and yellow home-dyed printed handkerchiefs" (ibid., p. 201).

". Older women have only black roses embroidered with a cross on their collars, while young women have embroidery on the neckline, all colored, on a yellow background" (ibid., p. 170).

"Nivnitsky costume. Women's shower jackets of two kinds. Elderly women wear black, cloth jackets, young people wear linen lilac or silk, lilac and blue" (ibid., p. 183) *.

* (Wed the section on shoes at Klvani (ibid., p. 189).)

Even more definitely and distinctly, the costume shows whether a woman is married or not. Knowing how strongly married women and girls in the village differ in the rules of their behavior, their rights and obligations, we fully understand the differences that exist in the costumes of girls and married women.

“After the wedding feast, “winding” or “putting on a cap”, “winding” of the bride begins. Married women remove the wreath from her head, untwist her “lelik” into two braids, wrap them around her head and cover her head awesome or gargoyles(cap) and a handkerchief. This custom has been preserved in Moravia almost exclusively in the Slovak region. In other places, "now they don't 'bangle' brides like that, they've been 'bangled' for a long time (a hint at the excessive freedom enjoyed by unmarried women. - A. Shebestova), people are already getting used to what used to be considered an unforgivable sin). "Yes Yes. Now it's not such a shame." (297, p. 49) * .

* (Compare: “Now there is no longer such a strict distinction between unmarried and married women. Previously, an unmarried girl wore “leliks” (braids) down, married women wrapped them around their heads, and such braids were called “obalenka”, or “babinets”. The "winding" was a red leather heart wrapped around the "lelik" and covered with a white scarf tied around the face and a knot in the back. Married women wore it for a year after the wedding. Unmarried girls almost everywhere wore a scarf on their heads, tied under the chin with a knot, only in Lašsk they went bareheaded.In Moravia, married women wore gargoyle- a bonnet, on which they often put on another scarf when leaving the house. In Kiyovsk gargoyle are still wearing unmarried girls, but in such a way that it cannot be seen under the scarf, while married women usually have a part embroidered with beads in front and from under the ears "(273, p. 11).)

The "apron" was originally also made of white home linen and was sewn from two halves. And only later it began different ways to paint at home, until the dyers themselves went to meet our women; they began to make aprons for unmarried women with a brighter pattern, white with a colorful pattern or with some kind of molds along the edge, and often “clear”, that is, light, but with a blue tint, while married women usually wore one-color aprons, dark or yellowish-green and yellowish-blue or with combined ribbons along the hem" (315, p. 159).

"Slavic costume. Married women usually wore a jacket over a shower jacket" (229, p. 239).

* ("Older women wear shoes with large horseshoes, replacing the old crabs(boots with set)" (216, pp. 131-132).)

". Sometimes girls wear a narrow strip of velvet around their necks with a cross or "agnusek" (small metal medallion) on it, which is usually not worn in Slovakia, however. Apparently, the carved “slag” plays a role here, which greatly opens the neck” (ibid., p. 241).

"miner's suit. Girls' blouses are often woven together with colored belts or red and blue stripes" (ibid., p. 199).

For differences in blouses with pleated sleeves for married women and girls, see the book by A. Vatslavik (315, p. 151).

An example of embroidery in different colors: " Stranyansky costume. "White" patterns are worn by girls, black ones are "women" (229, p. 190).

"Lugachovsko-Pozlovsky costume. Married women often wear a cap under the headscarf, usually embroidered around the edges with beads. In some places they wore a special red handkerchief tied behind their ears "in a plate" on top of the "balenka", around which their hair was wrapped. On top of this, they also wore a large "Turkish shawl", which was tied high behind the ears. At the same time, quite a lot of hair was knocked out above the temples and forehead. The old women still tie their scarves like this" (229, p. 234).

"... Caps and old kerchiefs in Grozenkov have long ceased to be worn, but in Drietom old women still wear them * ".

* (“Young women hide them in chests after the wedding and therefore do not differ from unmarried women. The former headscarves, the manner of tying which D. Stranka described (306, p. 37), are no longer worn” (216, p. 136).)

"Girls braid their hair into a 'lelik', married women into two 'leliks' (in a 'balenka'), and a scarf is knotted around their heads" (216, p. 132).

"Unmarried on Sundays summer days in the afternoon they went "disheveled", that is, with a bare head and with three ribbons in the "lelik". In winter, they, like married women, wore white kerchiefs... Married women, however, wore mesh bonnets or bonnets woven on looms under the "lipskie" kerchiefs; Slovak women in the eighties bought them in Zalesie, and sold them even in Trenčianske Teplá and Bošac" (315, p. 164).

"Hungarian-Brodsky, or Zaleshatsky, costumes. Married women tie a scarf around a semi-circular "bald coat", which was complemented by a cap exactly the same as in Vlchnov; otherwise, married women braid their hair around the aforementioned "natesta", which is already noticeable from the scarf tied behind the ears. The girls tie their scarves like an old woman, but in such a way that the chin is not visible, they tie the ends of the scarf on the crown of the head, which is very typical. During the celebrations, the girls tie their headscarves with a “tail” just like in the Vlchnov costume” (229, p. 171).

"Brzezov costume. Head scarves were also worn in Brezov. Women wore them over wicker caps, girls - on their uncovered heads" (229, p. 195).

"Kiev costume. Married women wear less elegant blouses with tighter sleeves. They also do not wear garters (sleeves are tied over the elbow often with the help of red "garters")" (ibid., p. 215).

Differences in the headdresses of women and girls are the most characteristic signs of women and girls in Moravian Slovakia, as in other places (see ibid., pp. 178, 180, 190, 209, 238).

In cities, the differences in the costumes of married women and girls are very small, and often there are none at all (cf. 326, p. 16). In cities, the most characteristic sign of the marriage of men and women is the wedding ring. But just such a ring is forbidden in some villages. Compare: “Rings are worn by unmarried men as a gift from grooms, and some women wear them after marriage and even on three fingers to supposedly “cook delicious food.” They must be distinguished from wedding rings, which are no longer worn after the wedding, but are stored in chests "(316, p. 86).

The following examples show how a potential and almost hidden function only begins to appear in special cases. We have seen that individual details of the costume bring out the difference between a married woman and an unmarried girl. If we take into account what strict requirements in the field of sexual morality the group imposes on the girl, then the following will become clear. The clothes of a girl, in addition to the age function and the function indicating the special position of this girl, have a function showing that the girl satisfies the requirements of sexual morality that the collective imposes on her, that is, girlish morality.

That the costume does indeed have this function is evident from the fact that if a girl does not meet the demands placed on her, her girlish costume immediately changes. "The fallen (girls) had to dress like married women" (315, p. 172).

"... In Yablunovsky Mosty and in the Yablunkov region in general ... unmarried girls walk around with their heads uncovered with cookers(braids), sometimes tying colored scarves, and married ones also in a cap. Young women (brides) wear wine, "upholstery" (unmarried women with children) never wear it "(216, pp. 146-147).

"Brzezov costume. Unmarried girls wear one braid, hanging down, on Sundays - with a ribbon at the end. Married and "dissolute maidens" put their hair in a "buff" (229, p. 194).

“Women, on the other hand, usually braid their hair into two braids and twist them around various “booties” - wooden, made of wire or sewn from linen. Earlier, in the old days, booties were always hidden by hair under richly embroidered caps. Even dishonored girls had to wear such robes and bonnets. So they called them "threads". Such people had no right to wear a braid hanging down if they did not want to subject themselves to a great shame - cutting this braid "(ibid., p. 102).

“Married from the day of the wedding “braiding” braided their hair into braids. About half the length of the braid, a long ribbon was woven into it (usually dark blue, presented to the godmother’s bride), which, together with the braid, was wrapped around the head. whose hair was cut in the old days "for shame" * ".

* (Seventy-year-old Alois Slovak from Provodovo talks about an involuntary “mikado” (a type of female hairstyle): “Sixty years ago we had a miller X. He had a wife, good children, and what the devil pulled him? The miller's wife was grieving, threatening that she would not leave it like that and that she would arrange something for this one herself. She waylaid her once at the bell tower, and when the manager's daughter passed by, nothing to me, nothing to you, but she cut off both leliks and shamefully nailed them high on the wall. They hung there for a long time, until someone took them off. The miller, unable to endure ridicule and all sorts of gossip, sold the mill and went somewhere, very far away "(315, p. 161- 162).)

Compare also what was said on this subject in the book I drew:

"In Eastern Moravia, especially in the Hungarian Brodshchina, for example, unmarried girls wear leliks lowered down, decorated with ribbons, and when married women find out that some girls have become pregnant, they do not allow them to walk with their heads uncovered and come to "smack" them. In other words , cut their hair and tie it in a bun.In other places, if the girl is not cut, she must wrap her braids around her head and cover them with a scarf in the same way as a married woman.

In Dolnemchi, to this day, dissolute girls are marked by the fact that married women make them on their heads under a headscarf a “balenka” or “balenica” (a cap fixed on the hair, around which the hair is wrapped), which is usually worn only by married women - “that’s how they would sooner find out." Similar customs existed in the past throughout Moravia. Even in Western Moravia, seduced girls did not dare to go “hairy” (with bare head), but had to wear a headscarf like married women. And until now, if a “libertine” marries, she does not have the right to go to the altar with a crown on her head, but must go with a “tanned coat”, since she herself excluded herself from the circle of her comrades "(273, p. 24) .

"In Slovakia, the seducer did not escape punishment. He was immediately supposed to take off his braid and ribbons from his hat, and the young guys did not tolerate him among themselves even in the church. "This one is not one of ours," they said in Tlumachov" (ibid., p. 27 ).

In the costume of the "lewd" and in how strictly the collective ensures that they do not wear such details of the costume that are distinctive only for girls, that is, the girlish headdress and girlish hairstyles, the ethical views of the collective towards the dishonored are reflected exactly in a microcosm * . Of course, these views are manifested not only in a suit ** .

* ("Slovaks never forget offenses against piety, even when it comes to marriage, and when the marriage is announced," harlots" are never called "honest panns" from the church pulpit, they are called only "worthy panns" (272, p. 20).)

** (On the situation of "whores" in the countryside, see 272, pp. 24, 25, 26, 27. In Slovakia there are special places in churches for "whores" (report by Jan Gerik, head of the Slovak National Museum). In the XVI century. in Germany, a costume could testify to offenses not only against sexual morality: "Some dishonorable people were designated precisely by a costume - for example, bankrupts had to wear green hats, counterfeiters - to dress in white" (326, p. 74).)

So, once, according to the requirements of the collective, only girls could wear a girl's costume. But no girl had the right to wear the costume of a married woman.

“Now the brides walk in headscarves, as once only “threads” walked (315, p. 172). At that time, the girl, fearing the condemnation of the team, would not have dared to put a headscarf on her head, as dishonored. Now this has become possible Even the bonnet, one of the most distinctive signs of a married woman, which once played the role of a magical object for married women, now, having lost its solemn character, has only a purely practical function, and it is interesting that girls also wear this typical part of the costume of married women. .

"Hanac-Slovak southern costume. In some places, girls wear a linen cap under a scarf just so that the scarf does not get greasy from oiled hair "(229, p. 249) * .

* ("The unmarried and the married used to differ sharply everywhere from the married and the married in outward appearance" (273, p. 11).)

In the material studied by us, we have not yet found one function anywhere - the function of a costume that would be a special costume for widows *.

* (For a special costume for widows among the Chuvash, see the article by T. Akimova (3, p. 31).)

I have not touched here on the erotic function of the costume, which, both in modern urban clothing and in the costume, plays a large role, similar to the one it played in the development of the costume. I did not touch upon this issue because I did not find in the material collected in Moravian Slovakia any definite indications of this function. This is understandable. Usually the costume wearers themselves do not comment on this function and are not even fully aware of it. The aesthetic function forms a common structure with the erotic function and often, as it were, hides this latter. To all questions, as a rule, they answer that this costume and its parts are worn not because men like such and such a female outfit, or, on the contrary, women like such and such a male costume, but because it is beautiful clothes. On the other hand, in the evaluation by the other sex, only the aesthetic value of the costume is usually mentioned and its erotic function is hushed up.

Such a fusion of the aesthetic and erotic functions of the costume is quite understandable, since in this case both functions are aimed at the same thing - to attract attention. Drawing attention to a certain object, which is one of the main aspects of the aesthetic function (see 266, p. 26; 289, p. 45; 312, p. 614), turns out to be one of the aspects of the erotic function, since the girl seeks to attract attention young people or any one of them. Thus the erotic function often merges with the aesthetic function.

In addition, in some cases, the erotic function is closely related to the local-national function. We have already seen that the guys refused to dance with the girls, who changed their costume to "master's" clothes. But here the disgust for other people's clothes, be it urban clothes or clothes of another people, is dialectically combined with a higher assessment of this strange clothes as exotic clothes, emotionally more influencing the opposite sex. In other areas, and sometimes in the same area, some guys do not recognize the urban clothes of girls, while others like it more than "their" local clothes.

Let us analyze especially the functions of the children's national costume. Children's costume, in addition to a practical function, has primarily an age function, but with further analysis we will see that in addition to this last function, it also has a number of others.

Already at the rite of baptism, the swaddling of boys differs from the swaddling of girls. Here, the function of gender discrimination has joined the function of purely children's clothing.

"Southern Hanatian-Slovak costume. When children were brought to be baptized... the swaddling iron was usually made of red or blue garus. A boy can have, like we do here and there, only blue ribbons and a sling, while girls can have both red and pink ones "(229, p. 244). Then, for the smallest children, the boy's costume did not differ in any way from the girl's costume " .

"In Slovakia, small children forty years ago wore skirts, whether they were male or female" (273, p. 11).

Later, signs gradually appear in the children's costume that distinguish between different age levels - a little girl, a girl under the age of fourteen, and, finally, teenage girls who become girls, pannas.

"Southern Hanatian-Slovak costume. Very wide skirts were called before baubles. Children newborn did not wear. The smallest wore skirts with red and white stripes; the older ones, up to 14 years old, had crosses between the two stripes. When the girl "girled", that is, became a panna, she began to wear bavlnka, white skirt with wide red stripes. The older the girl, the wider the red stripes" (229, p. 247).

We find the same age difference in children's costumes in boys' costumes.

"Boys, before they start going to school, wear skirts, an apron, a waistcoat, a wide-brimmed hat and boots" (153, p. 110).

"Northern Hanak-Slovak costume. In the sixth year, the boy received linen trousers for every day, and to him - a blue fumes jacket. On holidays, the boys wore the same costume as adults, that is, yellow leather trousers, blue stockings and a white flannel jacket, and to all this, a decorated hat "(229, p. 243).

"Kiev costume. The boy begins to wear festive, real men's clothes already at the age of sixteen" (ibid., p. 212).

Considering baby suit, we are faced with interesting fact that in children's costume, in comparison with the costume of adults, more archaic features are retained.

"miner's suit. Little girls run only in shirts in summer. In ancient times, and among older girls, such shirts were daily clothes, while the apron was worn only on Sundays" (ibid., p. 119).

We also note the curious borrowing of the features of the women's costume by the children's costume - the costume of little girls.

"Kiev costume. In Moravia, white “aprons” were often sewn in the Dolac style. Now only the smallest girls wear such aprons when they participate in some church celebrations or during communion" (ibid., p. 215).

An interesting example from South Moravia is that part of the headdress, which was previously worn by adult boys, is now worn only by little boys. "Peacock feathers were once worn, and not only by boys" (297, p. 181).

In the ethnographic descriptions of different peoples, we will find many examples of how songs formerly sung by adults become exclusively children's songs, how games that often had a religious or magical character and in which adults participated become children's games * . Of course, both songs and games, as well as costumes, when they pass from adults to children, change their functions. In our example, the peacock feather in adults used to have mainly an aesthetic function, but now its main function is to distinguish between a child's costume and an adult costume, and this age function is often more significant than the aesthetic function.

* (On the transition of ritual actions into children's games, see O. I. Kapitsa (58, pp. 8-9, 206).)

This is explained by the fact that the costume of adults is more likely to be influenced by fashion than a children's costume. We have already pointed out the analogy with the more archaic repertoire of children's folklore compared to the newer folklore of adults. Conscious following of fashion (in clothes, song repertoire, or anything else) is associated with the desire to keep up, requires a certain amount of tension, observations, purposeful actions, forces you to follow fashion innovations in the team, etc. In the case of children's clothing, they do not take into account attention to whether it is fashionable or not.

However, on the other hand, the children's costume is more likely to be influenced by urban clothing. (And here there is an analogy with the facts of folklore. Children are often the first performers of urban songs and stories learned in school.) While young people still wear the national costume, children may already wear urban clothes.

"Kiev costume. In boys, on the other hand, there is a conspicuous total absence of rustic clothing. Schoolboys dress completely in the city. You will not see white trousers, house jackets or embroidered shirts among underage boys. On the other hand, until recently, grown-up guys stood out at the holidays with their yellow leather pants and blue stockings, which, unfortunately, becomes rare, and after the war it completely disappears" (229, p. 211).

"Kiev costume. Boys walk around in semi-urban clothes, most willingly dark colors, until adulthood. Rarely, in remote villages, do schoolchildren wear hemp pants and rustic jackets" (ibid., p. 212).

The last of these facts, which directly contradict the above, can be explained by the fact that, as in the above examples, children's clothing does not have the function of fashion clothing, so here it does not have the function of regional clothing. The functions of children's clothing are to protect the child from cold and heat, then come the aesthetic and age functions, as well as the function of distinguishing the sexes, but children's clothing never has a regional or fashion function. Hence, in certain cases, the neglect of fashion, hence, in this case, the neglect of regional differences in the clothes of children in comparison with the costume of adults. If in the clothes of young people the regional and class differences between the costume and urban clothes are deliberately emphasized, then in children's clothes this is neglected.

We examined the various functions of the costume: the practical, aesthetic and sometimes closely related erotic function, the magical, age, socio-sexual (that is, the function of distinguishing between a married woman and an unmarried woman, a married man and a bachelor), a moral function closely related to it, speaking about the sexual life of the wearer of the costume (the costume of seduced girls), the function of the festive costume, the ritual function and the function combined with it, indicating mourning, the function of professional, class, the function indicating the occupation, as well as the function denoting recruits and veterans, the function regional and function indicating religion, etc.

In this case, the function can refer either to the costume (thing) itself, or to those various spheres to which the costume (as a sign) indicates (see 113).

The suit, therefore, turns out to be either a thing or a sign. Let us dwell on the definition of a thing and the sign * .

* (The sign is understood here in a broad sense. In the concept of "sign" one could distinguish between the proper sign, symbol and signal.

On the sign and symbol, see D. Chizhevsky (113, pp. 231-232 and 234-235). For the definition of the sign, see K. Buhler (175).)

“Looking at the reality around us,” says Voloshinov, “we notice in it, as it were, two kinds of things. Some things, such as, for example, natural phenomena, tools of production, household items, etc., do not have any ideological significance. We we can use them, admire them, study their design, perfectly understand for ourselves both the process of their manufacture and their purpose in production - but with all our desire, we cannot consider, for example, a tank or a steam hammer a "sign", a designation of something else, some other object or event.

It is quite another matter if we take a stone, paint it with lime and place it on the boundary between two collective farms. Such a stone will receive a certain "meaning". It will no longer mean only itself, only a stone as part of nature - it will receive a different, new meaning. It will point to something outside of itself. It will become a pointer, a signal, that is, a sign with one solid and unchanged value. A sign of what? The sign of the boundary between two parcels of land.

In exactly the same way, if we saw standing on the square during the days of the May Day demonstrations - or if we were shown even simply drawn on paper - a giant steam hammer crushing a tank, we would definitely not "understand" anything about it. But it would be enough to depict the Soviet coat of arms (a sickle and a hand hammer) on a steam hammer, and a double-headed eagle on a tank, and add another group of workers setting this steam hammer in motion, and a bunch of generals jumping out of the tank in a panic - then the meaning is , as they usually say, of an "allegorical" picture would become immediately clear to us: the dictatorship of the proletariat destroyed the counter-revolution.

Here the steam hammer is a sign, a "symbol" of all the power and inevitability of the proletarian dictatorship, and a crushed tank is a symbol of the collapse of the White Guard plans. In the same way, the sickle and hammer are not just an image of the tools of production, but a symbol of the proletarian state. The double-headed eagle is a symbol of tsarist Russia.

But what actually happened? The following happened: the phenomenon of material reality has become a phenomenon of ideological reality: the thing has turned into a sign (of course, also material, material). The steam hammer and the tank depicted in the drawing reflect some events that really take place in life, which, of course, are outside this drawing, outside a piece of paper scribbled in pencil.

But it is also possible partially bring objects of material culture closer to the semantic area, to the area of ​​meanings. For example, you can ideologically embellish production tool. So, the stone tools of primitive man are sometimes already covered with images or ornaments, that is, they are covered with signs. The tool itself, of course, does not become a sign.

It is possible, further, to give the instrument of production artistic perfection of the form, moreover, in such a way that this decoration will be in harmony with the intended production purpose of the gun. In this case, there occurs, as it were, the maximum convergence, almost the merging of the sign with the instrument of production. But still, even here we notice a clear semantic boundary: a tool as such does not become a sign, and a sign as such does not become an instrument of production.

Similarly, a consumer product can be made an ideological sign. For example, bread and wine become religious symbols in the Christian Protestant rite of communion. But consumer goods as such are by no means a sign. They can, like tools, be combined with ideological signs, but this connection does not erase the distinct semantic boundary between them. So, bread is baked in a certain form, and this form is by no means justified only by the consumer purpose of bread, but also has some, albeit primitive, symbolic, ideological significance (for example, the shape of a pretzel or rosette).

Signs are also individual material things, and, as we have seen, any thing of nature, technology or consumption can become a sign, but in doing so it acquires a meaning that goes beyond beyond the borders its single existence (a thing of nature) or a specific purpose (to serve one or another production or consumer purpose)" (34, pp. 45-46).

Such are the illustrative examples cited by Voloshinov to clarify the differences between a sign and a thing. Sometimes the object appears, as it were, in a pure form, sometimes as a thing, sometimes as a sign. A costume that has several functions is usually both a thing and a sign at the same time. We often meet such a close structural connection between a thing and a sign in one object, not only in costumes. Let us take an example from the well-known legend of Theseus. Theseus agrees that if he is alive, his ship will return with white sails, if he is dead, with black sails. In both cases, the sails remain a thing: they must have all the properties of sails - good quality , density, strength of the fabric, they must be of a special shape, etc., but at the same time, in addition to this main purpose, they serve as a sign of whether Theseus is alive or dead. The example of this legend shows that the sails as a sign played a very important, in this case fatal, role, greater than the one they played as a thing. But, being a sign, they were at the same time a thing. The same thing happens with the costume - the costume always plays a practical role and always not only as a sign, but also as a thing. Cases where the costume is only a sign are very rare. Even if we take a paper Chinese costume from the theatrical wardrobe, the main function of which is to indicate that the actor is playing a Chinese, then this costume, being a sign, will also be a thing, since it covers the body of the actor. And if we examine the individual functions of the costume, we will see that these individual functions are applied to it either as a sign, or as a thing. Of all the functions we have analyzed above, only the practical function and partly the aesthetic function relate to the costume (thing) itself *. A number of other functions both relate to the costume (thing) and extend to other areas to which the costume only indicates. Thus, the function of a festive costume is closely related to the costume itself and indicates that the costume should be made of more expensive material, that it should be beautiful, and a number of details, among which expensive material is not only an accessory to the costume, but also serves as an indication that today is a holiday, not weekdays. The same applies to the estate function. The fact that clothes are made of more expensive material, which the rich wear, refers, in fact, to clothes, but at the same time, the class difference of the wearer of this costume is also signaled by this. And here, I repeat, clothing is also undergoing a change as a thing. Imagine that we take from one village - for example, from Vajnor near Bratislava, where rich peasant women used to embroider their blouses with gold, and poorer ones only with silk - a rich costume and a poor peasant woman's costume and send them to a rag-maker. The ragman, who does not know that both of these outfits served as signs to establish class differences between two peasant women, would otherwise appreciate these blouses as things - a blouse of a rich peasant woman embroidered with gold, and a blouse of a poorer peasant woman embroidered only with silk. However, under certain special conditions, a costume indicating the social position of its wearer is a pure sign. So, on a military uniform there are a number of signs that define the rights of its owner, in contrast to those standing below him in rank in the army. A soldier, seeing an officer's uniform, knows that in military conditions he is obliged to fulfill his order, and here the quality of the material of the uniform, its aesthetic value, etc. are not taken into account. If we take the uniform of a wealthy soldier, sewn from the same material, as the uniform of an officer, and we send him to a ragman who does not pay attention to differences in military uniforms, he can evaluate the uniform of a soldier, considering it as a thing, higher than an officer's uniform, or simply not distinguish them due to the fact that the quality of matter is the same, then as in the army between these two uniforms (the uniform of an officer and the uniform of a soldier) there is an important difference.

* (Here we disagree with Voloshinov, who applies an aesthetic function to the sign. Wed the above words about the decorations on the tools of primitive man. It must be admitted, however, that the question of whether the aesthetic function refers to a thing or to a sign is not yet completely clear, and therefore we leave it open.)

In order to recognize the social function of costumes, it is necessary to learn to read these signs (costumes) in the same way that we learn to read and understand other languages.

And indeed more dark colors in some cases they denote a certain nationality - in Slovakia, the Germans dress in clothes of darker colors than the Slovaks; in other cases, they denote differences in religion - help to distinguish between Protestants and Catholics; finally, in the third cases, as we have indicated, they denote age differences.

Just as drivers learn to recognize signs-signals, just as in the army they learn to recognize various signs on their uniforms, so in the villages they learn from childhood to recognize the costume of girls, in contrast to the costume of married women. Many of the functions of the costume that we have studied almost always refer to the outside, belong to other spheres. If the "dishonoured" woman must wear certain parts of the costume of a married woman, then all the attention of her environment is directed only to ensuring that she wears precisely these or other details of the married woman's costume and does not wear clothes whose signs are distinctive for a girl. At the same time, in this case, it is not taken into account whether these details are made of good material or of worse material, whether they are elegant or distorted, forming part of the “dishonored” costume.

And here, in the case of the “dishonored” costume, it is necessary to be able to read these signs, since those details of the costume that in one village may be the sign of “dishonored”, in other villages may denote innocent girls.

In the same way, the regional function of the costume is to make the form of a given costume differ from that of the costumes of another region, despite the fact that the costume of this other region may be more practical or more elegant.

A costume that has a socio-sexual function is oriented towards indicating, for example, that a woman is married. And a married woman, even if she considered her costume (as a thing) less comfortable than a girl's costume, still has no right to wear a girl's costume.

So, when studying the individual functions of the suit, we saw that some of its functions, oriented to other areas, simultaneously refer to the suit itself, and only a few functions relate only to the suit itself as a thing. Many of the functions refer only to those different areas to which the suit indicates.

But, as I already mentioned, the suit has a whole structure of functions, and usually (as in the example of the sails on the ship of Theseus), along with functions that relate to it as a thing (practical function, for example), there are a number of functions, relating to different spheres, and it is this structure of functions that always makes it both a thing and a sign.

Speech also has several functions. Let's take a specific example. We ask a passerby about the way to the station. He answers. His words, in their quality of signs, are the designation of the path. On the other hand, listening to words about the path, we notice that the respondent uses dialect expressions, and in doing so we determine his dialect, as well as his social position (Jacobson).

Each person, speaking with someone, adapts to his interlocutors. Suppose a villager is asked how to get to the station. If, for example, an eight-year-old boy asks, the peasant, adapting to children's speech, will explain to him in one way. If someone else asks him, the same as he, a peasant, he will explain to him in other expressions that differ from those that he used in a conversation with an eight-year-old boy ... If he is addressed with the same question, let's say a minister, a peasant, will explain the way to him, again in completely different terms. In Gogol's "Dead Souls" it is excellently shown how the hero of the book Chichikov, appearing in various spheres of society, meeting people of different socio-economic and cultural environments, addresses them in completely different ways, changes his manners in accordance with the environment. Something similar happens with the suit. Each costume has several functions. By the way, we can, sometimes against the will of the owner of the costume, determine from the latter both the social position, and the cultural level, and the tastes of the owner. Of course, the costume (like the language) not only satisfies the practical needs of the owner or his personal taste, but must also satisfy the environment, please him, obey the requirements of this environment. And each person, both in his speech and in his costume, adapts to the environment. Ethnographers are well aware of the facts when peasants, after returning from the city to their native village, cease to wear urban clothes (which they used to wear in the city until then) and begin to wear only village clothes, so as not to stand out with their former urban clothes from the whole collective, not to be " white crow" in his village.

Let us now turn to the study of the functions of everyday clothing. The study of everyday costume, in particular the study of the functions of this costume, is one of the most important tasks of ethnography and sociology. Unfortunately, little material has been collected about everyday clothes.

From the material we have at our disposal, one can see that in some areas everyday clothes are more archaic, in others they are more modern and closer to urban clothes than festive clothes.

In the citations, it is stated that the festive costume is closer to urban clothes compared to everyday clothes.

"Zherava costume. Everyday clothes were, of course, simple. The men wore white hemp leggings, Sometimes - gate. Daily shirts were made of hemp or tow and tied at the back in the Biedermeier style; boots were made of cowhide without heels, with soft tops trimmed with red leather at the top. They were called "yoikas". They were, of course, very uncomfortable ... "

"Festive men's clothing (close to urban clothing) - leggings from dark blue cloth, guard or boykov ... They wore them in the city, with suspenders. The cloth vest was fastened up to the chin.

Worn and advertising, or svalbard, some wore a gerok, that is, a jacket with coattails. On the head is a "cylinder" (229, pp. 225-226).

The above example shows, therefore, that everyday clothes are more archaic.

On the other hand, there is also an opposite example of the fact that festive clothes are more archaic than everyday ones.

"Kopanichar costume. daily suit. On ordinary days, men wear, as a rule, clothes bought God knows where. Only old people remain true to their home clothes..." (ibid., p. 207).

"Festive clothes and for men, almost without exception, home-made, this is usually a national costume" (ibid.).

We have enough evidence that everyday clothes also have an aesthetic function. We find embroideries and other decorations on it.

"Lugachovsko-Pozlovsky costume. On weekdays or in rainy weather, over a warm jacket, they wear, like old women, loose-fitting jackets, variously decorated in front, below and around the sleeves with laces or ribbons, as a rule, dark blue, as in Wallachia" (ibid., p. 233).

There are many examples of the fact that the festive costume differs from the everyday one, but the everyday costume is also decorated, although in a different way, more modestly.

"Nivnitsky costume. On all hemp shirts (men's) there are woolen embroideries, on Sunday paper shirts - silk embroideries" (ibid., p. 181).

"At the beginning of the 19th century, along with long scarves, they also wore square scarves. On weekdays they were light, dyed red, blue and yellow, in winter they were green cloth. On Sundays they were also dyed, but white, with yellow-red-blue stuffing in the Empire or Rococo style, called "Lipsky" (Leipzig) and "Kamrtushki" (315, p. 164).

"Slavic costume. Woman suit. On holidays they wore large white scarves, decorated with different colors, the so-called "lipskie". On weekdays, they wore blue and yellow scarves, with white stuffing made by local Zelinsky, Vyzlovskaya or Kloboutsky dyers" (229, p. 239) * .

* (Wed data on Lieskovo women in Slovakia. "On ordinary days they wear colored printed skirts, sweaters and feet (narrow aprons made of black cloth). Just like men, they already wear urban clothes for work" (216, p. 134).)

In some materials, an everyday costume is described as a costume consisting, on the one hand, of special, let's call them primordial, parts, on the other hand, of worn parts of a festive costume.

"miner's suit. Everyday men's costume consists of hemp trousers, a worn waistcoat, an old "jacket" of local origin, an old jacket, usually bought in the market, and in winter - from a jacket. Women and children also wear worn festive clothes, casings with corners in front, thrown back ... "(ibid., p. 196).

An example of Vlchnov costumes is curious: for men, their everyday costume is ordinary, while for women it is just worn festive clothes.

"Vlchnovsky costume. Everyday costume is common: for men in the summer - from hemp, for women - worn festive clothes" (ibid., p. 175).

Sometimes in the description of an everyday suit there are descriptions of its special varieties - for example, a women's work suit.

The "everyday, or "working" women's costume consisted of various worn parts, excluding those worn on holidays. In the summer, women wore only a shirt and a skirt with a bodice to work. wore short, loose-fitting sweatshirts" (315, p. 172).

In this quotation, it is interesting, moreover, to indicate that those parts of the festive costume that were worn "on holidays" no longer belong to the everyday costume.

In some areas, the everyday costume is either very simple and different from the festive costume, or is worn festive clothing.

"Brzezov costume. The everyday costume worn at home, as elsewhere, is very simple or is a well-worn festive costume" (229, p. 192).

The following is evidence that the everyday costume is worn festive clothes. " Guardian costume. In a women's everyday costume, parts of festive clothes are always used" (ibid., p. 138).

"Hungarian-Brodsky, or Zalessky, costumes. Gradchovsky suit. Everyday men's and women's suits consist of worn festive clothes" (ibid., p. 172).

"Nivnitsky costume. Everyday costume is no different here from any worn dress" (ibid., p. 180).

"Podgoratsky costumes. Kiev costume. Everyday men's costume in this area for those who work in the village is always well-worn festive clothes. Workers looking for work either in Kiyov or outside it (smelters, miners, carpenters, masons, drainers, etc.) already wear the so-called city clothes and often remain faithful to city clothes on Sundays and holidays. Women, without exception, are faithful to the local costume, even the simplest, even on weekdays, and only girls serving in the city willingly adopt city clothes, especially if they are looked after by some city workers or some city "pan" . The refusal of the female servants to wear the traditional costume was influenced by the fact that the "panichki" reprimanded them for the excessive time they spent on ironing the village clothes" (ibid., p. 212).

So, we have sufficient evidence that the everyday costume as a whole consists of worn festive dress or at least includes parts of this dress. In some cases, ethnographers indicate exactly which parts of a worn festive costume are used on weekdays. But we do not find indications from ethnographers about the principles on the basis of which individual parts of a worn festive costume are adopted; ethnographers only explain why those parts of the festive costume that are worn on solemn days are not worn on weekdays - otherwise we are talking about costumes for celebrations. It is clear, however, that not all parts of the festive costume are worn in work time. Some of its parts are not adapted to perform the function of working clothes, since during work they would be a hindrance. Other parts of the festive costume, if they become parts of work clothes, undergo great changes. These include, for example, very wide skirts (many starched skirts are worn under these wide skirts), which peasant women in Moravian Slovakia wear on holidays. It is clear that one cannot work in so many skirts, therefore they are not worn during working hours, but only a small number of skirts are worn - one or two starched skirts are worn under the overskirt. Our material does not say anything about such an adaptation of a worn festive costume to everyday working clothes.

The issue is further complicated by the fact that certain types of work (such as haymaking, etc.) are considered festive, and a festive costume is put on for them *.

* (Cf .: "Guys, young husbands, as well as girls, and young men, and older women, go to such work (with hay) always festively dressed" (301, p. 53).)

The question arises to what extent the worn festive costume changes in different areas and to what extent it adapts to work *.

* (“In Vrbce and Liptov, a particularly white armlet is worn for hay”, in Bobrovchek - “kotskavchi”, narrow armlets that cover the arm to the very wrist so as not to prick the arm. For men, the hay gets behind the collar and pinches the sweaty skin" (301, p. 53).)

Usually a festive costume is created on the basis of an everyday costume. A festive costume is the best, more elegant everyday wear. This can be observed, for example, in Transcarpathian Ukraine (on the example of costumes that were not influenced by Slovak costumes).

In Moravian Slovakia, on the contrary, the tendency to make the costume festive was so strong that the festive costume was created by the upper layers in addition to the everyday costume under the influence of the Renaissance, Baroque and other fashions, and the previous styles of clothing were not taken into account *. At the same time, this festive costume is such that, while meeting the requirements for splendor and attractiveness of a festive attire, it leaves labor functions in disregard. We have seen that in many areas the work dress is a worn holiday attire adapted for use during working hours. Similarly, in several villages in Moravian Slovakia, it is quite common that the festive costume is the main one, and the everyday one is the worn holiday clothes adapted to working conditions. In other cases (we have an example from Slovakia), right before our eyes, the process of transition from an everyday costume to a festive one takes place.

* (On the transition of a practical function to a festive one in relation to individual parts of the costume, compare: “There were times when capes were an important part of outerwear. Now, in most cases, they have already lost their purpose of warm clothing, as Mannine and Geikel rightly write about this in their writings. , and became only part of the festive clothes "(305, p. 40).)

"Our capes in the Northern Trencian region we find at the same stage of development: their purpose is to serve a woman as protection from the weather, but along with this she is considered typical festive clothing, so that only when in a cape, a woman is decently dressed, and the cape is complemented by her outfit as a whole" (305, p. 40).

Let's give one more example, when all parts of an everyday costume become obligatory parts of a festive costume.

"Ubrus(a type of shawl) has become so rooted in some valleys that it has become a festive dress, and women cover their heads with it in the summer when they go to church. (For example, in Chichmany, in the Spring valley, in Poruba and other places.) Like the Chernyansky shawl, ubrus took the place of the former cloaks in which women wrapped themselves, and when these latter disappeared, he finally established himself, so that without ubrus a woman will not appear in society. In the old days, it was worn only over a scarf to keep out the cold. In Chichmans, for example, women can even tell the exact date when skewers they also began to wear it on holidays - this allegedly began in the winter of 1886, when a sermon was read near the church, and there was a bitter frost, and women, dressed only in scarves, wrapped themselves in skewers worn on ordinary days. After skewers began to wear more and more on holidays, and now women always wear them over caps, while younger women wear only headscarves on holidays" (ibid., p. 44).

Everyday clothes sometimes become festive out of necessity. "Although they gate, or drill) are part of the everyday costume, the poor, and sometimes the more wealthy, dress them in times of crop failure or in other hard times when they go to church" (315, p. 173).

There are also cases when festive clothes are everyday clothes made from more expensive material, and festive clothes are often sewn from purchased material, while everyday clothes are made from home linen. In these cases, contrary to what has been said above, festive clothes are (in terms of material) more modern, while everyday clothes are more archaic.

"Boyko suit. The skirts were usually short, made of coarse homemade hemp or paper fabric and pleated. Only on holidays were skirts made of thin linen, the so-called leknice, in winter - green cloth bezulanki with a blue ribbon at the bottom" (229, p. 238).

"Pants ... are usually made of light blue cloth, for weekdays (most often) of white or gray shaggy wool" (274, p. 19).

As we have already noted, and as can be seen from the examples cited, it is precisely on one of the most interesting and most important questions - on the question of everyday clothes - that we have little material, too brief and indefinite. On the basis of the published material, only a little can be stated about the functions of the everyday costume. We could only provide brief and incomplete data on the aesthetic functions of everyday costume. We have seen that the desire to make it attractive is also manifested in the everyday costume, however, the materials used to decorate everyday and festive attire are not the same: silk is used for embroidery on a festive costume, and simpler material is used for everyday costume. We also do not have data on other functions of everyday costume - on the function of regional belonging, on class, age, and others. Partly according to my own observations, partly on the basis of the material presented, it can be argued that in an everyday working suit, if we compare it with festive clothes, all other functions, in addition to the function of rationally adapting it to working conditions and careful adaptation to protect against cold and heat, do not play such a big role as in a festive costume. The intensity of other functions decreases. A woman who has gone to work may, in some areas, wear her maiden clothes, with their special distinguishing marks, distinguishing these clothes from those of a married woman. However, in the same regions, on holidays, a married woman cannot go to church wearing a girl's costume * . Everyday costume, as we have seen, is more often influenced by urban clothing, since it does not have the class and regional function of a festive costume. Aesthetic, as well as regional, estate and other functions are represented in Moravian Slovakia by a festive costume. On the basis of the material that we have, we cannot decide to what extent in everyday clothes, if we compare it with a festive costume, regional, class, age and other functions are weakened and to what extent they are manifested.

* (In other villages, a married woman may wear her maiden clothes, and married men their bachelor clothes. So, in Vainory, near Bratislava, I observed that married women and married men still put on their former costumes, sewn before the wedding, to the church; after the wedding, they no longer sew new girlish or bachelor suits. I explain this, firstly, by the fact that in this village the tradition of the national costume has generally weakened, and secondly, in these places costumes, especially girlish and bachelor costumes, are very expensive and require a lot of time to sew, which is why they should be abandoned immediately after the wedding, of course, it would be a pity.)

To formulate it differently, we can say that everyday clothes are primarily a thing, while a festive costume is predominantly a sign. In an everyday costume, the practical function is the predominant function, while in a festive costume, in addition to the aesthetic function, the local accessory function of the costume, class and other functions play an important role, that is, those functions that do not relate to the costume itself, but to those various areas on which suit indicates.

The lack of accurate data on everyday dress has significantly narrowed the scope of my work. I was able to study in more or less detail the functions of the costume that is worn once a week (in the case of ceremonial, wedding, mourning, etc. clothes, even less often), and only the lack of material makes me refuse to study the functions of the clothes worn throughout the week.

We analyzed, as far as our material allowed, the functions of the costume in relation to their structural interdependencies. The function of a suit is an expression of the aspirations of its wearer. In the functions of the costume, as if in a microcosm, the aesthetic, moral and national views of its wearers are reflected, in addition, the intensity of these views is reflected. Of course, in order to understand a costume as an expression of the morality of its wearers, it is necessary to get acquainted not only with those ethical ideas that are reflected in the form of a costume, but also with who has the right and who does not have the right to wear one or another costume, it is necessary to get acquainted with ethical views of this people in general. On the other hand, the functions of the costume reveal some features of ethical ideas that would not be clear to us outside the costume. In the struggle, and, from our point of view, a merciless struggle, for the observance of the rules for wearing a girl's costume, which is reflected, in particular, in the prohibition of seduced girls to wear a girl's costume, the views of Slovaks on sexual ethics are extremely clearly revealed. So, aesthetic, moral and other ideas are reflected in the functions of the costume.

There is no doubt that the form of the costume and its function, or rather its functional structure, mutually determine each other (cf. 122, pp. 619-620).

The mutual conditionality of the form of the costume and its predominant function is most fully expressed; the same functions that do not play a significant role in the overall structure of functions are not so clearly expressed in the form of a costume. In a costume, the main function of which is to be a festive outfit, the details that emphasize its festivity are most clearly expressed. Insofar as one has to do some work in this festive costume (we are talking about the working function of the costume), insofar as its shape should not interfere with this. Of course, the details, by their origin associated with the adaptation of festive clothing to working conditions, will not be as obvious in it as the details denoting its festive character are obvious, or as the details corresponding to its purpose are obvious in working clothes.

The form of a suit depends on its functions, but the functions in turn depend on its form. Some features that are easy to express with one suit are difficult - or even impossible - to express with another suit.

At the same time, with a change of costume, all the functions of the former costume do not disappear without a trace. We have seen that peasant women, who have changed their headdress for an urban hairstyle with combs, strive at least to distinguish themselves from the townswomen by the color of the combs. Social and class differences are also clearly recognized by peasant women, and, despite the almost complete assimilation of their clothes to the clothes of townswomen, the tendency to designate their class position still exists. Although the change in the economic system caused changes in the costume, it did not eliminate the class contradictions between the city and the countryside, and these contradictions, as it were, are looking for new forms of manifestation and find them in the forms of new clothes *.

* (On the mutual conditioning of function and form in rituals, see D.K. Zelenin (53, p. 4 et seq.).)

Changing the costume is only part of the change in the entire structure of being, a change that does not require the preservation of the previous functions of the costume, but causes the emergence of new functions. And since the costume with its functions is only a part of the general structure of being, a structure based, in particular, on the worldview of the nation, on the economic system, etc., it is clear that it is impossible to artificially preserve one of the parts of the structure that has changed as a whole. . Therefore, all attempts to preserve the old costume in one form or another, when there are no conditions for this in the general structure of being, will be unsuccessful. And just as the champions of originality failed to preserve the old costumes in the face of changing tastes and the influx of cheap urban clothing, so they will not be able to preserve the "traditional culture" (cf. 216, pp. 118-119) at a time when the general structure requires other forms (cf. 314, p. 338).

A structural study of physical and mental phenomena leads us to the conclusion that structurally related facts are something quite different from the sum of the same facts. Structurally related facts A, B and C represent something special, which is not in the separate facts A, B and C. This very fruitful observation (cf. Gestaltqualitat), which has led to many results in various disciplines, will undoubtedly be fruitful in ethnographic facts. Indeed, in order to understand the creativity of the so-called "primitive peoples", we must not forget that this creativity is a special structure: it includes elements of rational, aesthetic and religious creativity. The conglomeration of all these elements, in its final result, brings to life a certain new creative activity, different from the activity of a European scientist, or the creative activity of a European poet, or, finally, the creative act of a European priest. If we tear out a healer-magician (a shaman, for example), who really helps the sick, from the context of his activity, which is based on the rational use of the chemical composition of plants and other medicines traditional medicine, combined with a hypnotic effect on the patient and aesthetic creativity (chants-spells, magical dances, etc.) and force him to follow only rational principles in treatment, he will either not be able to heal at all, or, trying to be based on rational principles, will treat extremely unsuccessfully. The whole system of his medical activity, his activity in general, is fundamentally different from the activity of a European physician, who treats on an exclusively rational basis. In the activity of a healer-magician there is something special, something of its own, which cannot be compared with rational activity plus purely magical activity plus aesthetic creativity, etc.

In the study of ritual songs, we observe that the magical function is structurally related to the aesthetic function, however, in the minds of people, the whole structure as a whole has a special function that cannot be reduced to the sum of magical and aesthetic functions.

Let us now turn to the question of the structural study of the suit's functions. And here the general structure of functions appears as something whole, which has its own special function, different from those individual functions that, as separate elements, make up the entire structure. This function is sometimes called "our costume" by the people, which does not mean only the function of regional affiliation, but means some special function that cannot be derived from all other functions that make up the entire structure as a whole. Let us turn to the analogy with language: the native language, like "our costume", has the function of the structure of functions. We prefer it to all other languages, not only because we consider it practically the most convenient for expressing our thoughts, not only because it seems to us the most beautiful (although both our native language and our clothes are not always considered by us to be the most beautiful - on the contrary, both a foreign language and foreign clothes, as more exotic, can be considered more beautiful; further, both the native language and the national costume cannot always be considered the most convenient from a practical point of view - the language may be unsuitable for expressing thoughts in one country or another, the national costume - inconvenient for work). The native language, as well as "our costume", is preferred as the closest to us, and it is in this that the function of the structure of functions is recognized and revealed. The function of the structure of functions is closest to the function of regional belonging, but there is also a fundamental difference between them. If the costume, in which the function of regional belonging predominates, is unconditionally opposed to the costumes of all other regions, "our costume" is close to its bearers even without this opposition. Moreover, "our costume" can embody the function of the function structure of such a costume, which has neither the function of a regional identity, nor the function of a national costume. This can happen where, over large areas, one people wears exactly the same costume as neighboring representatives of another nationality. It is also not absolutely obligatory that "our costume" should have a class function. On the other hand, there is no doubt that both the function of regional affiliation and the function of class often play a very important role in the structure of functions, the function of which is embodied by "our costume."

Analyzing the concept of "our costume", we can see that a clearly expressed emotional connotation is mixed with it. Let's try to understand what this shade represents. Observations on the life of the so-called "primitive peoples" show that their costume is closely and intimately connected with its wearer (see 250, pp. 137-141). We observe something similar in a whole series of magical actions among European peoples. To take possession of someone, they perform magical actions on the hair of this person, the traces of his feet and his clothes. Thus, among the European peoples, we meet with the belief that a person's clothing is almost organically connected with its wearer. In accordance with this assumption about the proximity of a person and his clothes, the attitude of the entire team to "our costume" is also built. "Our costume" is close to each individual member of the team, just as the team itself is close to him. And the ratio of an individual member of the collective and the entire collective of the village in some places is quite distinct. In clashes and quarrels between representatives of different groups, if necessary, to ridicule or infringe on a strange group, it is enough to express a mocking attitude towards its signs: to clothes, language, etc., which, on the other hand, entails the desire to stand up for clothes, language, etc. of your team * . All this speaks of an emotional attitude towards "our costume", which would be difficult to conclude only on the basis of the structure of its functions. Thus, "our costume" is a function of the structure of functions, plus the emotional coloring that arises due to the relationship of this team to the costume. The content of the concept of "our costume" will not be the same in different historical times. The emotional coloring that accompanies the concept of "our costume" will also be different in different historical epochs. Others will be the structure of functions, the function of the structure of functions, and the emotional coloring that accompanies the concept of "our costume" at one historical time in various strata of the population. It is clear that, for example, the structure of the functions of fashionable clothing differs significantly from the structure of the functions of a traditional costume. In addition, far from any clothing is perceived and can be perceived as close to a person, intimately connected with him or with the team. Only such clothing that tends to remain unchanged at least in its individual parts (as, in particular, a suit or clothing with a predominant religious function in them) and which, thanks to this tendency, is perceived as a necessary part of the collective - the bearer of this clothing - only such clothing will cause emotional attitude. And vice versa, clothing subject to fashion, rapidly changing, it is precisely thanks to the latter that it cannot be perceived as clothing closely associated with the collective, it, we would say, does not have time to “grow together” with the body of an individual member of the collective or with the “social body” of the whole team.

* (I myself witnessed how once a peasant woman from the southern part of the former Uzhgorod zhupa of the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine was talking to a peasant from the northern part of the same region (from Verkhovyna). The peasant woman spoke contemptuously about simple suit and other distinguishing signs of the "Verkhovinsk", the "Verkhovinsk", being strongly hurt, responded to her insults to the signs of his team.)

Analysis, on the one hand, of the structure of the functions of the costume, the functions of the structure of its functions and a certain emotional coloring that accompanies the concept of "our costume", and, on the other hand, the analysis of the structure of functions and the function of the structure of the functions of fashionable clothes shows a special originality of the costume in comparison with fashionable clothes .

All this together once again emphasizes the originality of these ethnographic facts, if we compare them with those that sociology deals with in the study of urban phenomena or those social phenomena from the life of the countryside that the village experiences without any noticeable differences along with the city.

Comparing the concept of "native language in a rural community" with the concept of "native language of the urban population", it can be seen that although the structure of functions, as well as the function of the structure of functions of the "native language" will be different in the countryside and in the city, however, both here and there the concept "native language" will be colored with a similar emotional tone. This is explained by the very essence of the concept of "native language", since both the villager and the city dweller are closely and intimately connected with the latter.

I dwelled on the concept of "our costume" in detail because I think that this concept deserves more attention from ethnographers and sociologists. The concept of "our costume" has much in common with the concepts of "our language", "our literature", "our art", "our culture", "our estate", "our people", finally. When analyzing all these concepts, it is necessary to take into account not only the structure of the functions that characterize them, but also the emotional coloring that arises as a result of prolonged close contacts of the collective with a certain social fact.

Further analysis of these concepts is not the aim of my work; I only wanted to show that a functional analysis of even such a special object as clothing can lead us to a whole series of related questions and stimulate the study of very topical problems of general interest.

Awareness of the function of the structure of functions does not prevent the peasants from being aware of the existence of separate functions of the costume, from which one can name, for example, the function of regional belonging, aesthetic and class functions. This is the essential difference between a chemical compound, when, from the point of view of the observer, the individual original elements seem to dissolve in the new that they form in combination (in water we no longer recognize either the properties of hydrogen or the properties of oxygen), and the structure of functions, in which individual functions are distinguishable. However, the feature structure function is not always the predominant function. Often, in response to a question about the function of a costume, the peasants name, first of all, either aesthetic or practical, or some other of its functions, but not the function of the structure of functions, that is, it does not occur to them to answer that this costume is closer to them than others. .

The meaning of a sentence depends on the meaning of the words that the sentence contains, but, on the other hand, the meaning of individual words depends on the meaning of the whole sentence. We see the same thing in the structure of the costume's functions. The structure of the functions of the costume, as well as the function of the structure of its functions, will be different in a certain area and in the case of a festive costume and in the case of an everyday costume. It is quite obvious that if the structure of functions - and the composition of the elements of this structure predetermines the function of the structure of functions (for example, in a festive costume) - includes, in particular, festive, aesthetic functions and the function of regional belonging, then this structure will differ significantly from such a structure , in which the practical function (everyday clothes) is predominant. But the whole structure as a whole determines, in addition, the content and intensity of individual functions. The content and intensity of the aesthetic function will be different in such a structure, which is a festive costume, in comparison with the content and intensity of the same aesthetic function that characterizes everyday clothes.

Thus, the structure of functions (and with it the function of the structure of functions), on the one hand, and the individual functions of clothing, on the other, mutually determine each other.

The functional structure is an organic whole, it is a special system. That is why the disappearance or change in the intensity of one of the functions or inclusion in the structure new feature causes changes in the structure as a whole. These changes can be different - either the weakening of one of the functions leads to the weakening of all other functions included in this structure, or with the weakening of one function, the intensity of some other function increases (cf. 157, pp. 120-122), but in that and in another case, the whole structure as a whole undergoes a change.

I must remind you that it was not my task to describe fully and exhaustively the costumes of Moravian Slovakia. I just wanted to show new ways in clothing research.

This explains the partial use of the collected materials on costumes in Slovakia and the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine.

I believe that the functional method in ethnography not only makes it possible to illuminate the material from a new angle, but also expands the material itself, which is subject to study by ethnographers. For an ethnographer who studies the origin and historical development of a costume, the presence of a costume as a subject of study is obligatory. With the disappearance of the costume, the work of the ethnographer-observer ceases, and he becomes completely dependent on more or less complete museum collections, which become more and more difficult to supplement or verify, and sometimes even impossible. But the situation is different in the functional study of rural clothing. The functions of the folk costume, even if not a single detail of the former costume has been preserved in it, even if the village clothes have completely merged with urban clothes, are always available for observation. The ethnographer is faced with the task of establishing what functions village clothing acquires after its shape and material have changed and it has come close to or completely merged with urban clothing. Here is an example. In the Russian pre-war village, galoshes were in great fashion. But the peasants, and mainly young people, wore them mainly not in the mud, but on holidays and sunny days. The main function of galoshes in the city is to protect the feet from dampness and dirt, the main function of the same galoshes in the countryside is the aesthetic function. In galoshes, every guy is handsome:

Everyone is good with galoshes, And my dear without galoshes is Neat and good, -

says in the song.

For an ethnographer working with the old methods, galoshes are not a subject, the study of which is part of the study of the village costume. For an ethnographer who studies the functions of clothing, galoshes are just as interesting as patent leather boots or "painted bast shoes" in the past, the main function of which was the same aesthetic function.

The ethnographer who uses the functional method provides a wealth of material for the sociologist who studies contemporary urban clothing. On the other hand, it is necessary, of course, to follow the results achieved by sociology and also to use them.

This work is devoted to the study of the functions and functional structure of the suit; In conclusion, I would like to draw the attention of ethnographers to the extremely interesting problems that confront them in the field of the study of functions * and their structure on a different kind of ethnographic material. Take, for example, rural buildings. Along with the practical functions that a village house and its details possess, we will find here a number of other functions - aesthetic, magical, the function of regional and class affiliation, and others. The peasant house is not only a thing, but also a sign. In some areas already published, only on the basis of the appearance of the house, we can determine the nationality of its owner, his economic and social status, etc. ** .

* (Russian ethnography of recent times pays much attention to the functional study of ethnographic phenomena. A great merit in the dissemination and promotion of this method belongs to the outstanding Russian ethnographer prof. D.K. Zelenin.)

** (Josef Broz's considerations are interesting, concerning the fact that when building houses in high places, the main attention was paid to practical purposes, while in the same area, during the construction of houses in the valley, much attention was paid to their appearance(172, p. 147).)

Household utensils in a village house, various decorations on its walls are not only things that have a practical purpose, but also signs endowed with the function of indicating the religious, regional and class affiliation of its owners *.

* (See 170, pp. 109, 110. The author gives a number of examples containing descriptions of decorations of a religious nature (cross and images) on the walls of houses in Westphalian villages, which are signs, and also gives explanations for these signs - a cross on the doors, images of the Holy Family above the table in the kitchen, where the whole family gathers daily, images of a guardian angel above the bed, etc.)

Tools of labor necessary for agricultural work are not only things, but also signs. Sometimes in a thing that has an exclusively practical purpose, the aesthetic function prevails over the practical function, and the thing becomes only a sign. A vivid example of this can be painted rolls decorated with pieces of a mirror, which are used when washing clothes - according to custom, in some Slovak villages, grooms give them to their brides. Due to the fact that they are decorated in this way, it is impossible to use these rolls when washing, therefore they should be considered only as a sign of the groom’s love for the bride, moreover, as a sign of a socio-gender nature, indicating that the woman who received such a gift is now married. There are few tools that have only a practical function; observing the life of the village, we meet both with the practical functions of things, and with their aesthetic functions, the function of regional belonging and other functions. Let us recall the yoke, the reins, the wagon, the sledge, etc. - in addition to the practical function, these objects also have an aesthetic function.

The form of the house and its details, characterized by the function of regional belonging, have at the same time a practical function. Indeed, much in the structure of a house in a certain region, which differs in its forms from the houses of other regions, is intended not only to differentiate the building forms of this house from the building forms of other regions, but also in order to most rationally adapt the structure to certain geographical and climatic conditions. .

It goes without saying that neither in the study of houses, nor in the study of village tools, one can limit oneself to the study of individual functions of a given object; it is necessary to study all the functions that make up this structure. Their structural study will allow a much better explanation of each individual function. Only knowing how important a practical role this tool plays, we will be able to understand both the loving attitude of its owner towards it and the diligence with which he decorates it. Only by getting acquainted in detail with the practical purpose of each tool, we can know for sure which parts of it, to what extent and in what way can be decorated and which parts, if this interferes with the practical use of the tool, cannot be decorated.

Let's move on to folklore. And in this area, I think, the functional method opens up new broad prospects.

The formal description of the tales is very vague. On the one hand, it is quite wide, and then collections of fairy tales include such varieties of fairy tales and stories that are very far from fantastic fairy tales (such, for example, are fairy tales with historical content); on the other hand - this description turns out to be too narrow - it does not take into account heroic tales (epics).

Even the classification of fairy tales according to their function should illuminate the folk fabulous material. The study, for example, of the function of children's fairy tales, which, in addition to their aesthetic function, have a practical purpose (to calm, sometimes lull a child), will explain a lot to us in the very form of these fairy tales, and will make it possible to bring them closer to lullabies. On the other hand, adventurous tales can also serve as material for functional research - they, along with elements of fantasy, will probably contain elements of a semi-scientific narrative.

The study of the structure of the functions of a fairy tale will also explain a lot to us in what the functions of the individual elements of fairy tales are. In addition, it will help to explain a lot in the style of fairy tales, since we will be able to establish that, in addition to the aesthetic function, a fairy tale has the function of a semi-scientific or close to semi-scientific work.

In the study of ritual songs, the researcher must take into account not only aesthetic, but also magical functions, the functions of regional and class affiliation, etc.

In the chapter "Song as a sign" of the already mentioned book by M. Bringemeyer "Collective and Folk Song" (170, pp. 107-113), many examples are given that a folk song is a sign indicating what ritual is performed in the village at a given time. "If the song "Praise His Name" sounded, then it could be, so to speak, a signal for the inhabitants of remote villages, meaning that a consecration ceremony was taking place, which is close to when the whole community was notified by cannon shots on the wedding day where there was a triumph. The meaning of the song lies, therefore, in the indication, in its symbolic character. " With the help of his completely correct approach, the author further shows how one can determine from the song what holiday is celebrated in the village - Easter, Christmas, etc.

One of the clearest examples of how various functions are combined into a structure are conspiracies. Incantations are characterized by an aesthetic function, as evidenced by their pointed form, full of various poetic figures. But along with it, the hypnotic function of the conspiracy is clearly revealed - to speak the patient, to bring him into such a state, into which the hypnotist doctor usually leads the patient.

An important role is played by the functions of the object in magic (see 263, p. 316 et seq.).

One of the most rewarding tasks for a folklorist is the study of proverbs in their symbolic aspect. Proverbs in different periods their lives have different functions. They often lose their original meaning and acquire a new one. The same thing happened to them as to the words. Just as in Russian dialects cher ami could become abusive "sheramyga", so the proverb "neither a candle to God, nor a poker to the devil" may lose its religious meaning, and the speaker may not be aware of why the poker is associated with the devil, etc. n. In the mouth of an unbeliever, this proverb can be applied to a person who is good for nothing.

These are just a few examples in which I wanted to show how great the possibilities that the functional and structural method gives in various areas of ethnography (cf. 160, p. 10). In front of ethnographers lies virgin soil, waiting for its plowman.

dolls in folk costumes No. 82. Slovakia, announcement.

Dolls in folk costumes №82. Slovak costume.

National costume of Slovakia - Ludove kroje. Shawls and scarves, lace, bell skirts, delicate ornaments in oriental style.

Photo of the doll:

Dolls in folk costumes №82. Slovak costume, photo of the doll (as is, without modifications).

Slovak costume. Shirt purse with embroidery on the collar and cuffs. Festive shata apron.

Photo of the doll from the back. The braid is decorated with a ribbon. Dolls in folk costumes №82. Slovak costume.

The main part of women's clothing is a similar men's shirt - rukavce. There are three types of sleeves in Slovakia. The oldest is a tunic type without shoulder seams. The second type is short sleeves reaching to the waist. The sleeves, back and front are pleated and sewn to the border that forms the collar. An incision is made in front. The third type - a variation of the first two - is pleated, but below the waist. Under the sleeve, all types of sleeves have a gusset.

The sleeve is always closely related to the shirt (rubas) - a type of sundress. With a short type of shirt, the shirt replaces the long hem. With the other two types, it has a different shape. The basis is a wide pleated skirt and a tight-fitting upper part of the chest. The shirt often has no straps, and sometimes rests on one or two straps.

In the central part of Slovakia, a type of unsewn belt clothing has been preserved, consisting of two aprons in front and behind, worn over a shirt and a sleeve.

Aprons were sewn from linen, knitted or woven from wool, sewn from various purchased materials. Aprons are often richly embroidered, as are shirts.

The skirt usually consists of five stitched strips of fabric 60-90 cm wide, which are gathered or pleated and attached to the belt. There is a cut in front. The skirt is tied with ribbons.

Previously, skirts were linen, there were ceremonial skirts (wedding) - made of fine cloth, usually green.

There were also widespread (and popular today) skirts made of factory linen (heeled). This material is still very popular today. On a blue background there are patterns - white, blue, yellow, green, red.

Today, skirts are made from various purchased materials of variegated colors (chintz, flannel), sometimes from expensive fabrics (satin, silk).

Women wear short sheepskin coats as outerwear. Vests are also common.

The bodice (zivotik) was a relatively new part of the clothing adopted by the folk costume from the urban costume of the 18th-19th centuries. He became first part of the festive, and then everyday clothes. The tummy was sewn from expensive materials (cashmere, satin, brocade). It is sleeveless, tight-fitting, has tails at the waist.

One of the important components of women's clothing in Slovakia, as in other nations, is the belt (pas). It is made with the old technique of knitting and weaving. Aprons were fastened to the belt, which often did not have ribbons for tying. Later, ribbons were sewn to aprons and skirts, and gradually the belt lost its practical significance. At the beginning of the 20th century, in some areas, the belt was still a mandatory accessory for women's clothing, but today it is rarely worn as an ornament.

Dolls in folk costumes №82. Slovakia

My dolls are in Slovak costumes, the doll on the left is 15 cm, released in Czechoslovakia (in Soviet times) by LIDOVA TVORBA, the second one, produced by the famous German company ARI, was also released in Soviet times, its height is 11 cm. True, the dolls should also have hats, but they came to me without them. :-)

Dolls in folk costumes №82. Slovakia, number announcement.

Festive summer dress. Lipt. (Slovakia). Middle of the twentieth century.

Looks like, but the photo is only sideways ...

And I thought they had some kind of top - no bodice should be, like, like the Poles

Dolls in folk costumes №82. Slovak costume, release announcement.

Apron, red boots. Women's Slovak costume.

Two dolls. Left - Dolls in folk costumes No. 83. Nagaybachka. On the right - Dolls in folk costumes No. 82. Slovak costume.

DeAgostini porcelain dolls, three different series.

Doll portraits. DeAgostini porcelain dolls, three different series.

A multinational state, the majority of whose population is Slovaks (about 85%), this country has also become the homeland for many Hungarians, Czechs, Germans and Poles.

Language

The national language of Slovakia is Slovak. But in the Slovak Republic, you can also hear Czech, as well as Hungarian speech. English and German languages.

Religion

Catholicism is the main religion of Slovaks, with a minority of the religious population professing religions such as Orthodoxy, Judaism and Protestantism.

National traditions

Slovaks, like their neighbors - the Czechs, tend to protect and preserve the land that feeds them. Careful, attentive attitude to natural resources is also welcome for guests of this country. This lyrical, conservative and benevolent Slavic people is characterized by almost German punctuality: if you (or you) have an appointment, try not to be late, this is not accepted here. Men shake hands when they meet.

Slovakia is a small agricultural country, agriculture and animal husbandry are developed here. Slovak artisans, of which there are quite a lot, create various products from materials such as leather, various fabrics, and clay. The creations of the masters are usually of excellent quality, have a unique national flavor and are in great demand among tourists.

The national costumes of Slovakia are famous for their diversity, more than 55 types of traditional Slovak clothing are widely known. Their distinctive feature is the decoration of headdresses with feathers and ribbons.

National holidays

Slovakia is mostly a Catholic country, therefore, of course, Christmas for Slovaks is the central holiday of the year. In this country, it is customary to celebrate Christmas with loved ones, just like in most countries celebrating this holiday, it is customary to decorate a tree, give and receive gifts, cover holiday tables. The days of Easter and Maslenitsa are also widely celebrated in Slovakia.

Going to Slovakia, remember that on holidays in this state, both various government agencies and many private offices and shops are closed. Christmas holidays in Slovakia begin on December 24 and continue until January 1.

January 1 - Day of the proclamation of the Slovak Republic, New Year's Eve.
January 6 - Orthodox Christmas
March, April - Easter
May 1 - Labor Day
May 8 - Day of victory over fascism
July 5 - Feast of Saints Cyril and Methodius
August 29 - Day of the Slovak National Uprising
September 1 - Constitution Day
September 15 - Assumption of the Virgin
November 1 - All Saints Day.
December 24 - Christmas Eve
December 25-26 - Christmas

The Czech national costume dates back to the 18th century. Then, of course, it changes several times, but the main traditions that distinguish the tailoring of men's and women's suits, especially colors and cut were laid even then, and have survived to the present. It is worth noting that the national dress in the country was slightly different depending on the area of ​​​​residence of the Czech people. This is due to climatic and territorial factors, since clothes and shoes for flat terrain are not suitable for use in the mountains. Despite this, over the centuries, it is possible to distinguish the main types of men's and women's clothing.

A more or less traditional attire for a woman of the Czech lands is a pleated skirt. It must be necessarily wide, because under it there are several more petticoats made of thinner material. A typical piece of clothing is long shirt with a corset or bodice to the waist. The headdress for married ladies is starched bonnets with various trimmings. The national outerwear is considered to be a woolen scarf, tied crosswise under the arms.

Men's clothing is somewhat simpler, there are woolen or leather pants, a knee-length shirt and a vest on top, and outerwear sewn very short, solely for convenience.

Separately, it is worth highlighting wedding or ritual clothing. All traditional changes can be traced in it. For example, a crown used to be a bride's headdress, beaded or lined with artificial flowers, then it was replaced with a wreath of rosemary or myrtle. For men, both then and now, bunches of these same plants are attached.

It is also interesting that mourning clothes used to be white and only later became more familiar, black.

Everyday and festive wardrobe also has differences. First of all, this is the quality of the material, respectively, clothes for work are sewn from coarse fabrics and are not decorated in any way.

Shoes, only by the end of the 19th century, acquired a more modern shape and became leather, and before that everyone wore wooden shoes in cool weather, and in the summer they generally went barefoot. With the advent of factories and factories, men's overalls gained popularity, but sewing shirts, as before, remains the main business of skilled craftsmen in the Czech Republic.

Children's clothing has always been given more attention, both in the city and in the countryside. It has always been sewn more elegant and colorful, but the traditional color of the country has always been and remains - white.

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